great fortuna in Arabic and then in Western medicine, where it spread and circulated mainly in an anonymous Arabic-Latin version until the beginning of the sixteenth century, when it was again translated into Latin by Wilhelm Kopp of Basle, physician of the French king. Probably at the same time in which the Arabic-Latin version was made, Burgundio of Pisa (d. 1 193) translated the De loc. aff from a Greek manuscript, which is today preserved in the Laurentian Library in Florence, plut. 74, 30. Durling identified this manuscript as the original of Burgundio's translation by collation and analysis of the Greek tradition. Nigel Wilson confirmed this by recognizing Burgundio's hand in the Latin annotations of the Laurentian manuscript. Burgundio's version is preserved in only five manuscripts, which are all independent and, therefore, useful for reconstructing the original text. It does not seem that this version had a wide circulation, like others of Galen made by this Pisan ambassador and translator. Nevertheless, it was known by Taddeo Alderotti (d. 1295), professor of medicine at Bologna, who used it to correct the Arabic-Latin translation. This conflation is preserved is six manuscripts, which are all independent, and printed in the first Latin edition of Galen by Diomedes Bonardus in 1490, and in the subsequent editions until the Giuntine of 1528. Durling carefully studied the extracts of Burgundio's version made by Taddeo Alderotti, which have only a few good readings. However, they attest that this Greek-Latin translation had a place in medical teaching. Burgundio's version is edited by Durling on the basis of a complete study of its tradition and in a close comparison with Galen's Greek text. Two apparatus and two indices (Greek-Latin and Latin-Greek) are provided. In the Greek-Latin apparatus five Greek manuscripts of the De loc. aft: are considered. Two other manuscripts seem to be independent (Milan, Ambrosian Library, Ambr. gr. 659 and 679), but this is not relevant for the Latin text. Burgundio's style and vocabulary are studied by Durling in the introduction. His translation of particles, conjunctions and demonstrative pronouns in the De interioribus, is compared with that of another version by him (De complexionibus) and of other medieval translations. Burgundio used some neologisms, which won later acceptance, possibly independently of him, and he seems to be a \"cautious innovator\". Durling's work is an excellent edition and another fundamental contribution of this eminent scholar to the knowledge of the first Greek-Latin translators and to the study of the tradition of Greek medicine in the Western world.

The Jew's body

The late Weimar film Der traumende Mund culminates in the apparent but unconfirmed suicide of its female protagonist, played by Elisabeth Bergner. Bergner, whose background contributed to the film’s Jewish reception, and who later claimed to have written the film’s screenplay, left Germany and went into exile with director Paul Czinner in 1932. This film and the circumstances of its production and premiere link tragic modes of self-erasure, including the suicides of both many women and many German Jews, to notions of escape, emigration, and reemergence. Its success among Jewish spectators points to its enduring and international appeal.

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Escape Artistry: Elisabeth Bergner and Jewish Disappearance in Der träumende Mund (Czinner, 1932)

At first glance, the film A Family Day at the Prellsteins (Familientag im Hause Prellstein, 1927) is a visual dramatization of the postemancipation anti-Semitic discourse in Germany. The “typical” Jewish family of the film answers the worst stereotypes associated with Jewish appearance, behavior, and values: the greedy husband loses his fortune in a card game and dishonorably escapes from his debtors without even notifying his wife; his best friend, a scrawny, childish man—displaying a giant “Jewish” nose—slyly works his way into the wife’s bed and conspires to trick the debtors; and the old uncle, rich and miserly, comes to the rescue, explaining his action in terms of an ethnic—arguably racist—notion of loyalty (“blood is blood!”). As the story develops the spectators are exposed to various anti-Semitic cliches that explain the authentic qualities that differentiate Jews from other Germans, despite the former’s attempt to conceal them1: the avaricious Jew cannot value genuine love; he compensates physical weakness with secret scheming, sexual manipulation, miserliness, and dubiously acquired capital; and, mainly—as practically every character in the film demonstrates—he has no shame. Moreover, the film tells a story of acting, faking, and lying that aims to conceal these conspicuous characteristics, to hide or downplay the stereotypically Jewish objectives and behavior.

The Jews Have No Shame: The “Jewish Tragedy” in Weimar Urban Comedies

This article looks closer at the connection between Moreno’s early professional art work and the formation of his encounter term, and how these in turn enter into a social drama that took place in the double monarchy Austria-Hungary before World War I. Of particular importance is the activity in and around the House of Encounter in 1909. The social upheavals in the capital of the double monarchy, Vienna, the formation of the encounter term and sociodrama as expressionist term are linked. The question that accompanies this text is: How can we see, today, the formation of Jacob Levy Moreno’s encounter practice both as a part of expressionist art work and as social reform work?

Jacob Levy Moreno’s encounter term: a part of a social drama

Jewish modernization in Germany, and its influence on both German and Jewish thought, politics, and culture, has fascinated generations of scholars.1 In depicting the nature of Jewish integration in modern Germany, scholars have traditionally oscillated between portrayals of “symbiotic” and “submissive” relationships, differing primarily in their answer to the question whether Jews contributed qua Jews to the German public discourse, or rather relinquished their particularities in the process of assimilation.2 Current studies have pointed out, however, that both of these paradigms presuppose a “wrong and ahistorical” notion of authentic and recognizably different Jewish and German cultural identities.3 Recent scholarship on Jewish experience in modern Germany has therefore advocated a shift of emphasis from its national and religious tensions to its social practices. Consequently, these studies accentuate the roles of non-national —or transnational—contexts in shaping the modern German Jewish experience. Rather than searching for the influences of the autochthonous Jewish culture and the transformation it underwent as a result of Jewish assimilation in Germany, scholars have shifted their focus to the process of Jewish integration within the educated middle class in the German cities.4 Underscoring its bourgeois context, many scholars have come to regard the absorption of bourgeois values and norms as a key component of the modern Jewish experience.

Weimar Film and Jewish Acculturation

This article explores images of the Jewish actor in modernist German theatre. It deals with the question of theatrical identities on the stages of the Weimar period and discusses the complexities of cultural stereotyping applied to actors of Jewish origin. Special attention will be devoted to the perspectives of the avant-garde used here in the historical sense of the term. In the second part of the article, individual actors such as Max Pallenberg, Alexander Granach and Fritz Kortner will be analysed with respect to certain physical or vocal characteristics deemed to be typically ‘Jewish’. In the final section Kafka's reactions to visiting Yiddish performers will be examined as an example of aesthetic (self)reflection on the question of Jewish identity and modernism.

Galili Shahar

Papers

The Jewish Actor and the Theatre of Modernism in Germany