The Matter of Piety provides the first in-depth study of Zoutleeuw’s exceptionally well-preserved pilgrimage church in a comparative perspective, and revaluates religious art and material culture in Netherlandish piety from the late Middle Ages through the crisis of iconoclasm and the Reformation to Catholic restoration. Analyzing the changing functions, outlooks, and meanings of devotional objects – monumental sacrament houses, cult statues and altarpieces, and small votive offerings or relics – Ruben Suykerbuyk revises dominant narratives about Catholic culture and patronage in the Low Countries. Rather than being a paralyzing force, the Reformation incited engaged counterinitiatives, and the vitality of late medieval devotion served as the fertile ground from which the Counter-Reformation organically grew under Protestant impulses.

https://biblio.ugent.be/publication/8554598/file/8554613.pdf

The Matter of Piety : Zoutleeuw's Church of Saint Leonard and Religious Material Culture in the Low Countries (c. 1450-1620)

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-US-ASCII text omitted.)In the Acta proconsularia , the account of the trial of Cyprian, the third-century bishop of Carthage, the protagonist is asked by the proconsul to supply the names of other members of the Carthaginian Christian clergy. 1 Cyprian declines, responding in the following way: "Since our discipline forbids anyone to surrender voluntarily and since you strongly disapprove of this as well, they [the presbyters] may not give themselves up. But if they are sought out by you they will be found." 2 In modern histories of martyrdom, Cyprian's distinction has stuck: the practice of offering oneself for martyrdom has been isolated from normative martyrdom as something particular and different. This practice, variously termed "voluntary martyrdom" or "provoked martyrdom," is broadly defined as the bringing about of martyrdom either by presenting oneself to authorities or by the unsolicited disclosure of one's Christian identity.Those scholars who are uncomfortable with the use of the term "voluntary martyrdom" object to its use primarily on the grounds that they think that martyrdom is intrinsically voluntary. In his delicate discussion of rabbinic martyrological discourse, for instance, Daniel Boyarin writes that "provoked martyrdom is a better term in my opinion, than 'voluntary martyrdom'--if martyrdom is not voluntary it is not martyrdom." 3 If Boyarin raises a note of caution about the use of the category "voluntary martyrdom," he does so in the service of protecting and preserving a specific notion of martyrdom, in which a person must choose death in order to qualify as a martyr. He does not query the existence of this separate practice per se . While the specifics of this terminology are debated, there is a general agreement among scholars that voluntary or provoked martyrdom was a discrete phenomenon in the ancient world.The purpose of this paper is to trace the emergence of voluntary martyrdom as a category distinct from "true" or "normative" martyrdom. Its interests lie in the discursive production of voluntary martyrdom, not in the historical evidence for prosecution and execution. For the purposes of this paper, whether or not people offered themselves for martyrdom (according to whatever definition of offering we might employ) is irrelevant. The paper is interested in those ancient mentalities and taxonomies that would have marked voluntary martyrdom as something discrete and different. In inquisitive terms, then, the paper asks: when, in what contexts, and for what purposes, is the concept of voluntary martyrdom produced? It will begin, however, not with Clement, Tertullian, or even the much-maligned Montanists, but with the emergence of the category "voluntary martyrdom" in modern scholarship. From here we will work our way back to the appearance of the concept of voluntary martyrdom in the ancient world.I. The Emergence of the Term "Voluntary Martyrdom"The category of the voluntary martyr has grown out of scholarly discussions about the solidification of the title "martyr" (martys ) in ancient Christianity. 4 Yet the easy way in which the term "voluntary martyr" is used obscures the fact that it has no ancient philological counterpart. In the English language the notion and terminology of voluntary martyrdom pre-dates scholarly investigation of the early church. It emerges out of the religious reforms and conflicts in seventeenth-century England, a period in which both Catholics and non-conforming Protestants utilized the discourse of voluntary martyrdom both in their self-presentation and in their narration of the history of martyrdom. The primary way in which the term was used, however, was to describe religious practices that were in some sense self-denying: self-denying either because they pertained to the body or because they might invite some punishment. …

The Discourse of Voluntary Martyrdom: Ancient and Modern

This new account of the influence of Magna Carta on the development of English public law is based largely on unpublished manuscripts. The story was discontinuous. Between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries the charter was practically a spent force. Late-medieval law lectures gave no hint of its later importance, and even in the 1550s a commentary on Magna Carta by William Fleetwood was still cast in the late-medieval mould. Constitutional issues rarely surfaced in the courts. But a new impetus was given to chapter 29 in 1581 by the 'Puritan' barrister Robert Snagge, and by the speeches and tracts of his colleagues, and by 1587 it was being exploited by lawyers in a variety of contexts. Edward Coke seized on the new learning at once. He made extensive claims for chapter 29 while at the bar, linking it with habeas corpus, and then as a judge (1606–16) he deployed it with effect in challenging encroachments on the common law. The book ends in 1616 with the lectures of Francis Ashley, summarising the new learning, and (a few weeks later) Coke's dismissal for defending too vigorously the liberty of the subject under the common law.

The Reinvention of Magna Carta 1216-1616

Much of the research for this article was supported by the Philip Leverhulme Prize (2011–13) and the preliminary work was undertaken during my tenure of the Walter Hines Pages Fellowship of the Research Triangle Park Foundation at the National Humanities Center. I am grateful to the two anonymous readers for SAC and to Sarah Salih who gave many useful suggestions on drafts of this piece. I am particularly grateful to Rob Lutton and to Matthew Coneys for discussions with me about Larke, Wey, and Mandeville. Various audiences have heard versions of this material and I am grateful to them for their feedback, specifically at conferences and lectures at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Duke University, the University of Huddersfield, the Huntington Library, King’s College London, and Oxford University. 1 Alcuin of York, De animae ratione, 101.642A–C, via Patrologia Latina, ed. J.-P. Migne, full-text database, http://pld.chadwyck.co.uk/ (accessed April 6, 2016). For a discussion of this passage in terms of medieval mimesis, see Mary Carruthers, The Craft of Thought: Meditation, Rhetoric, and the Making of Medieval Images 400–1200 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 119. 2 Nicole Chareyron, Éthique et esthétique du récit de voyage à la fin du Moyen Âge (Paris: Honoré Champion, 2013), 378.

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"ut legi": Sir John Mandeville's Audience and Three Late Medieval English Travelers to Italy and Jerusalem

This article provides a general overview of the presence of utopia and utopian thought in Brazil. After a brief presentation of the research groups on utopia based in Brazilian universities, the reader will find some examples of the presence of the utopian ideal in political-social movements and in literature. Further on, the editions of Utopia translated into Brazilian Portuguese are reviewed, revealing much about the local history of book printing and translation. This article will eventually present the author’s own project of translating More’s Libellus aureus, which consists in trying to reproduce the stylistic features of the Latin text, such as word- and sound play, to reveal a manner of expression that is rarely preserved in translations but which is, nonetheless, highly significant.

Utopia : Brazilian Translations in Context

Notes on contributors Preface List of abbreviations Chronology Part I. Life, Times and Work: 1. The making of a London citizen Caroline M. Barron 2. Thomas More as humanist James McConica 3. More's rhetoric Elizabeth McCutcheon 4. More's public life Catherine Curtis 5. More and the heretics Richard Rex 6. The last years Peter Marshall Part II. Five Major Works: 7. Reading Utopia Dominic Baker-Smith 8. More on tyranny: The History of King Richard the Third George M. Logan 9. A Dialogue concerning Heresies Eamon Duffy 10. 'In stede of harme inestimable good': A Dialogue of Comfort against Tribulation Andrew W. Taylor 11. The lessons of Gethsemane: De Tristitia Christi Katherine Gardiner Rodgers Part III. Reception: 12. Afterlives Anne Lake Prescott Foundational resources for the study of Thomas More Index.

George M. Logan

Papers

The Cambridge companion to Thomas More

‘The comen knowen multytude of crysten men’: A Dialogue Concerning Heresies and the defence of Christendom

The Lessons Of Gethsemane: De Tristitia Christi