In this work, interdisciplinary essays on the ethical issues which encompassed the trials and Code of Nuremberg have been collated from researchers in fields such as medicine, law, and ethics. Topics include the juridical originality of the Nuremberg trials, and the Jewish perspective on purity.

Bioethical and ethical issues surrounding the trials and Code of Nuremberg : Nuremberg revisited

1. Introduction: The Wealth of Nations and national wealth 2. The international and colonial background of America's financial revolution 3. Banks, securities markets, and the reduction of asymmetric information 4. The financial sector and the reduction of lending-related costs and risks 5. Evidence of capital market integration, 1800-50 6. Expansion of the securities services sector, 1790-1850 7. The freest of the free: regulation of the financial sector 8. Finance-directed economic movement 9. Conclusion: the wealth of nations rediscovered.

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The Wealth of Nations Rediscovered: Integration and Expansion in American Financial Markets, 1780-1850

This dissertation examines the ways in which indigenous peoples and missionaries, specifically Quakers (Society of Friends), contributed to the development of the American empire in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The U.S. civilization plan, in which Friends were central participants, offered agricultural education to American Indian men and, for women, instruction in the “domestic arts” as part of a broader mission complex. Far from being simply a means to “assimilate the Indians,” the mission complex was central to U.S. imperial and economic development, and its methods, endurance, and character grew out of a particular historical moment and as the result of a negotiation of Indians’ and Euroamericans’ goals and motivations. In order to investigate that negotiation, “Cultivating Empire” follows the evolution of diplomacy and agricultural mission work in the Ohio Country as a case study, and it draws upon individuals’ journals, family papers, account books and receipts, as well as missionary correspondences, meeting minutes from the Society of Friends, and various papers of federal, state, and territorial governments. Reading Euroamericanproduced sources against the grain in conjunction with sources such as Hendrick Aupaumut’s (Mohican) invaluable journals, moreover, offers means to bring indigenous politics to bear on this history, and it offers a top-down and bottom-up glimpse of the making of American empire. Such work reveals that the Society of Friends and its members, and their cooperation with the U.S. federal government, in many ways established the paradigm for the United States’ model of “philanthropic” empire beginning in the late eighteenth century. It also demonstrates that the society’s work was foundational for the development of the federal government’s relationship with non-governmental organizations and imperial policies abroad. Quaker diplomacy and agricultural missions also, however, offered Native peoples a powerful discourse and innovative means to continue to negotiate for power into the twenty-first century. U.S. state officials, Quaker missionaries, Euroamerican immigrants, and indigenous peoples together, then, produced the paradigms of U.S. empire in North America and the world in ways that had lasting consequences. Degree Type Dissertation Degree Name Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) Graduate Group History First Advisor Daniel K. Richter

Cultivating Empire: Indians, Quakers, and the Negotiation of American Imperialism, 1754-1846

Unlike most contemporary New England banks, early commercial banks of the Middle Atlantic region were widely owned and frequently traded corporations. They lent to a broad segment of the business community, including artisans, farmers, and women. Banks lent widely, first, because their large capitalization made it difficult for a few privileged insiders to control a substantial percentage of loanable funds and, second, because banks were able to acquire reliable credit information on a variety of customers in an efficient manner. As a result, small enterprises had access to bank credit.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/info/3116100

Bank Ownership and Lending Patterns in New York and Pennsylvania, 1781–1831

Economic development requires both secure property rights and the ability to reallocate property in response to technological and other changes Significant reallocations have occurred repeatedly throughout US history and have often been involuntary This essay considers the question of how property rights can be subject to frequent involuntary reallocation and still be considered secure
 “Upon the sacredness of property civilization itself depends—the right of the laborer to his hundred dollars in the savings bank, and equally the legal right of the millionaire to his millions”1Andrew Carnegie

The Mystery of Property Rights: A U.S. Perspective

Markets are hot topics these days, both in the worlds created by contemporary policy-makers and in those re-created by historians of the early republic. Indeed, the "Market Revolution" threatens to supersede "The Age of Jackson," "The Era of the Common Man," and "The Industrial Revolution" as the leitmotif of an era.1 But what was the specific character of the "market economy" that attained an increasingly important role in American life in the early nineteenth century? How did it operate? What particular rules, or even peculiarities, did it have? Beyond description lies theory. Can we place the market economy of the early republic within a spectrum of social systems? "The greatest want of civilized society is a market" declared Henry Clay in 1824, as he laid out the principles of his American System. With a market in place, God himself would "conduct us into that path which leads to riches, to greatness, to glory."2 But as Clay discovered, many Senators-and many Americans-did not support his nationalist policies for expanding the emergent market economy. Both then and now, the "market" is not a fixed economic abstraction but the malleable product of political will. Whose political will is a crucial question. In "The Anti-Capitalist Origins of the United States," Michael Merrill argues that in the early republic Americans divided over two rival systems of political economy.3

http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/3124895.pdf

The "Market" in the Early Republic

BOOK REVIEWS The Anti-Rent Era in New York Law and Politics, 1839-1865. By Charles W. McCurdy. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001. Pp. xvii, 408. Tables, maps. $49.95.) Land and Freedom: Rural Society, Popular Protest, and Party Politics in Antebellum New York. By Reeve Huston. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000. Pp. ix, 291. Illustrations, appendix. $35.00.) Beginning in the late 1830s, farmers in the Hudson River Valley rose up against manorial landlords and the leasehold system. Created during the seventeenth century, the region's feudalistic order had survived the American Revolution and then prospered as land-hungry migrants streamed out of New England. By 1840, some 260,000 people-nearly 10 percent of New York's population-farmed on various sorts of long-term leases that subjected them to annual rents, substantial fees (usually a quarter) if they sold their leases or improvements, and the expectation of personal service. Patroon Stephen Van Rensselaer III refused to shake hands with his tenants; instead, like a medieval lord, he extended his forefinger to be grasped. Violent tenant revolts had periodically threatened the leasehold system only to be repressed by the militia. Then, as Charles W. McCurdy argues in his deeply-researched and wonderfully detailed legal and political analysis, the struggle entered a new phase in 1839, when Van Rensselaer's death sparked an anti-rent strike. Even as Governor William H. Seward called out the militia to deter tenant violence, he condemned the manorial system as "oppressive, antirepublican and degrading," and vowed to promote land reform. By defining manorial tenures "as a public problem that required a public solution" (4), Seward set in motion a political and legal contest that continued for twenty-five years. For reasons that are not at all clear, recent social historians have neglected the anti-rent conflict. The last full-length treatments appeared in the mid-1940s: journalist Henry Christman's Tin Horns and Calico: A Decisive Episode in the Emergence of Democracy (1945), which focused on personalities and dramatic events, and historian David Maldwyn Ellis's Landlords and Farmers in the Hudson-Mohawk Region, 1790-1850 (1946), a more substantial analysis that devoted only a few chapters to the uprising. Now we have two superb, complementary accounts of the anti-rent agitation. Reeve Huston's Land and Freedom, based on his doctoral dissertation, sets the New York uprising within a broad social, political, and ideological context. As Huston explains, the prohibition of entail and the decline of primogeniture during the revolutionary era undermined gentry power by diffusing land ownership. Simultaneously, the spread of freehold land tenure, market relations, and capitalist values rendered the leasehold system increasingly anachronistic. Consequently, when Van Rensselaer's heirs tried to collect more than $400,000 in back rents, the tenants refused to pay, arguing the rents had been forgiven. Moreover, the farmers demanded the conversion of their leases into freeholds, offering to take out mortgages that, at 7 percent interest, would equal their annual rents. While the Van Rensselaer heirs and other landlords were prepared to sell, they demanded payment of back rent, compensation for ancillary rights, and higher land valuations. An epic battle commenced. As Huston demonstrates through a detailed political analysis of the anti-- rent movement on the local level, the tenantry was now well-organized. The rise of political parties had undermined the old system of deferential politics. By the 1830s, over 80 percent of the electorate voted, and they now elected party politicians rather than the relatives and allies of the Van Rensselaers. Moreover, no fewer than one-third of the anti-rent activists had been active in party politics previously and knew the tactics of political mobilization. "Here," Huston concludes, "was a crucial, if unintended, consequence of the Jacksonian Revolution" (89). …

The Anti-Rent Era in New York Law and Politics, 1839-1865@@@Land and Freedom: Rural Society, Popular Protest, and Party Politics in Antebellum New York

James A. Henretta

Papers

The "Market" in the Early Republic

The Anti-Rent Era in New York Law and Politics, 1839-1865@@@Land and Freedom: Rural Society, Popular Protest, and Party Politics in Antebellum New York