accademiche [38]. Ada [45]. Adrian [45]. African [56]. Age [39, 49, 61]. Al [23]. Al-Rawi [23]. Aldous [68]. Alex [15]. Allure [46]. America [60, 66]. American [49, 69, 61, 52]. ancienne [25]. Andreas [28]. Angela [42]. Animals [16]. Ann [26]. Anna [19, 47]. Annotated [46]. Annotations [28]. Anti [37]. Anti-Copernican [37]. Antibiotic [64]. Anxiety [51]. Apocalyptic [61]. Archaeology [26]. Ark [36]. Artisan [32]. Asylum [48]. Atri [54]. Audra [65]. Australia [41]. Authorship [15]. Axelle [29].

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A Complete Bibliography of Publications in Isis, 2000{2009

This book explores the nexus of art, personal piety, and self-representation in the last centuries of Byzantium. Spanning the period from around 1100 to around 1450, it focuses upon the evidence of verse inscriptions, or epigrams, on works of art. Epigrammatic poetry, Professor Drpic argues, constitutes a critical - if largely neglected - source for reconstructing aesthetic and socio-cultural discourses that informed the making, use, and perception of art in the Byzantine world. Bringing together art-historical and literary modes of analysis, the book examines epigrams and other related texts alongside an array of objects, including icons, reliquaries, ecclesiastical textiles, mosaics, and entire church buildings. By attending to such diverse topics as devotional self-fashioning, the aesthetics of adornment, sacred giving, and the erotics of the icon, this study offers a penetrating and highly original account of Byzantine art and its place in Byzantine society and religious life.

Epigram, Art, and Devotion in Later Byzantium

The Cambridge History of Medieval Philosophy comprises over fifty specially commissioned essays by experts on the philosophy of this period. Starting in the late eighth century, with the renewal of learning some centuries after the fall of the Roman Empire, a sequence of chapters takes the reader through developments in many and varied fields, including logic and language, natural philosophy, ethics, metaphysics, and theology. Close attention is paid to the context of medieval philosophy, with discussions of the rise of the universities and developments in the cultural and linguistic spheres. A striking feature is the continuous coverage of Islamic, Jewish, and Christian material. There are useful biographies of the philosophers, and a comprehensive bibliography. The volumes illuminate a rich and remarkable period in the history of philosophy and will be the authoritative source on medieval philosophy for the next generation of scholars and students alike.

The Cambridge History of Medieval Philosophy

Nag Hammadi and Manichaean Studies

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)(ProQuest: ... denotes formulae omitted.)ONLY in recent years have the interrelationships of Babylonian, Greek, and Indian astronomy and astrology become a subject which can be studied meaningfully. This development is due to several factors: our greatly increased understanding of cuneiform material made possible by the scholarship of Professor O. Neugebauer; 1 the discovery of Babylonian parameters and techniques not only in the standard Greek astronomical texts,2 but in papyri and astrological treatises as well; and the finding of Mesopotamian material in Sanskrit works and in the traditions of South India. Unfortunately, a lack of familiarity with the Sanskrit sources and a failure to consider the transmission of scientific ideas in the context of a broad historical perspective have recently led one scholar to the erroneous conclusion that Sasanian Iran played a crucial role in the introduction of Greek and Babylonian astronomy and astrology to India and in the development of Indian planetary theory.4 It is my purpose in this paper to survey briefly the influence of foreign ideas on Indian gayakas so as to make clear the creative use they made of their borrowings in devising the yuga-system of astronomy; and then to examine the character of Sasanian astronomy and astrology, pointing out their almost complete lack of originality.The earliest Indian texts which are known - the Vedas, the Brâhmaijas, and the Upanicads - are seldom concerned with any but the most obvious of astronomical phenomena; and when they are so concerned, they speak with an obscurity of language and thought that renders impossible an adequate exposition of the notions regarding celestial matters to which their authors subscribed. One may point to the statement that the year consists of 360 days as a possible trace of Babylonian influence in the Kgveda,4 but there is little else which lends itself to a similar interpretation. It has often been proposed, of course, that the list of the twenty-eight naksatras which is given for the first time at the beginning of the last millennium before Christ in the Atharvaveda and in various Brâhmanas is borrowed from Mesopotamia.8 But no cuneiform tablet yet deciphered presents a parallel; the hypothesis cannot be accepted in the total absence of corroborative evidence.However, the naksatras are useful in the tracing of Indian influence on other cultures. The oldest lists0 associate each constellation with a presiding deity who is to be suitably propitiated at the appointed times. It became important to perform certain sacrifices only under the benign influence of particularly auspicious naksatras.7 The roster of activities for which each was considered auspicious or not was rapidly expanded,6 and, in particular, the naksatras came to be closely connected with the twelve or sixteen samskâras or purificatory rites. Thereby they gave rise to the most substantial part of muhurtasâstra, or Indian catarrhic astrology,® traces of which are to be found in Arabic, Byzantine, and medieval Latin texts.10 The Indians also combined the twenty-eight naksatras with the Babylonian arts of brontology and seismology 11 in a form which, for some unknown reason, became immensely popular among the followers of Buddha.'2 Their works spread these superstitions throughout Central Asia and the Far East.18The relative seclusion from the West which the Aryans had enjoyed in northern India for centuries alter their invasions was broken shortly before 51.3 b. c., when Darius the Great conquered the Indus Valley. In the ensuing six centuries, save for a century and a half of security under the Mauryan emperors, North India was subjected to the successive incursions of the Greeks, the eakas, the Pah lavas, and the Kuyânas. An important aspect of this turbulent period was the opportunity it afforded of contact between the intellectuals of the West and India. This opportunity was not missed. …

Astronomy and Astrology in India and Iran

“Recruitment in Roman Armies from Justinian to Heraclius (ca. 565–615),” in Av. Cameron, ed., The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East, v. 3: States, Resources and Armies [Princeton, 1995], 61–124, at 92–103). From archaeology, moreover, we probably would not know it ever had occurred (88, 95, 150, 172, 204; but see 199ff. for a pattern of abandonment in England). We have no demographic data so we are left with the literary sources, but there is no chapter on the literariness of the literary sources, only scattered observations in discussions of other topics. The volume ably fuses separate historical disciplines and regional historiography with molecular biology—a notable achievement—but has not made the Linguistic Turn. On the other hand, Rosen’s is not a scholarly book and need not be discussed at length. The introduction wants us to believe that plague was largely responsible for the end of antiquity and the “birth of Europe,” but the book explains neither what these processes mean nor how the plague contributed to them (except by killing many people). The author, a former “senior executive” at important publishing houses, succumbs to the temptation of narrating Roman history from Diocletian to Islam based on English scholarship of the 1960s and 70s and a handful of translated sources, all cited in the notes without page references (even to A.H.M. Jones’ massive Later Roman Empire!). This history is full of errors, misunderstandings, and outdated notions (there is no room in this review to list them). The narrative of Justinian’s “glory” (including irrelevant chapters on Hagia Sophia, the codifi cation of law, etc.) is interrupted by a section on the “bacterium,” which is rather more lucid. Rosen handles the scientifi c material better; his mistake was apparently to think that history in the grand style can be done competently by any educated layperson (or that it should be done at all). His feeble sensationalism and insistence on comparing ancient with modern material and throwing everything on his mind into the mix (e.g., praise of American society, arguments against intelligent design) prove that scholarly training matters. The general public deserves better.

The Legend of Mar Qardagh: Narrative and Christian Heroism in Late Antique Iraq

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Prayer, magic, and the stars in the ancient and late antique world

https://jps.library.utoronto.ca/index.php/aestimatio/article/download/25884/19023

Joel Walker

Papers

The Legend of Mar Qardagh: Narrative and Christian Heroism in Late Antique Iraq

Prayer, magic, and the stars in the ancient and late antique world

The Occult Sciences in Byzantium

The Legend of Mar Qardagh

Luminous Markers: Pearls and Royal Authority in Late Antique Iran and Eurasia