This paper examines critically the controversy surrounding the recently concluded population census in Nigeria which came up between March 21 and 25, 2006. While population census is a deliberate attempt to enumerate people within a delimited territory at a specific time so as to determine their number, their contribution over the land area and their basic socio-demographic and economic characteristics, many of such exercises have been juggled especially in Nigeria. Many infallible proofs for several scores of years have been showing that census taking in Nigeria has been surrounded by deliberate falsehood with the intents and purposes to derive one benefit or the other from the government. The paper argues that the Nigeria’s 2006 population census was no way different from the past falsified ones in Nigeria. The paper concludes that for an accurate population census in Nigeria, population census should not be used for allocation of governmental benefits.

	 

	Key words: Census, population, data.

Falsification of population census data in a heterogeneous Nigerian state: The fourth republic example

While a lot of ink has been spilled and numerous papers devoted to the variegated causes of the Niger Delta conflict, what has been conspicuously moot in the literature is their integration into a sufficient explanatory system to facilitate the intelligibility of empirical data and support effective policy intervention. Also, while writers have investigated the internal dimensions of the conflict, little systematic attention has been paid to its international dimensions. The study proposes to fill these gaps in existing literature through a two-level analysis of the Niger Delta Conflict: (1) internal (2) international. The internal level is anchored on a four-dimensional explanation which argues that political and economic factors are the root causes of the Niger Delta conflict, with environmental and social-security factors as the proximate causes. At the international level, the study probes the role of the international community in the moderation of the Niger Delta conflict and concludes with an appraisal of the extent to which the internationalisation of the conflict engendered both attitudinal and policy shifts on the parts of key players. Problematising the usefulness of majoritarian democracy for resource starved plural societies, the study canvasses, inter alia, the implementation of consociational mechanisms in the Nigerian political process as a more effective way of mitigating the seething cauldron of conflicts in the Niger Delta, and promoting inter-ethnic equity and amity in Nigeria as a whole.

The internationalisation of an internal resistance ethnic minority conflicts and the politics of exclusion in the Niger Delta.

This paper discusses the relationship between the ruling party and opposition parties in the struggle to capture political power in Botswana. It demonstrates the resilience of the multi‐party framework that is founded on the basic principles of political freedom and civil liberty. Moreover, it explains how the poverty of ideology has presented a political landscape without any clear political alternatives. More concretely, it outlines the weaknesses of opposition parties, that they do not pose any serious challenge to the ruling party. However, in spite of their weaknesses, opposition parties have played a more constructive role in shaping the democratic process than has commonly been recognised. They have provided important checks and balances to make government more accountable and responsive to peoples’ needs, yet they have not projected themselves as alternative governments.

Understanding government and opposition parties in Botswana

Attempt to forcefully impose religious ideology and or belief on Nigeria's secular society is not new. The leader of the Maitatsine sectarian group attempted it in 1981 and eventually led to large scale uprisings. Since the early 1980s and 2012, Nigeria has witnessed other uncountable religious related crises. Beginning from 2009, the country once again, has been stormed by large scale and unimaginable bomb attacks by the Boko Haram movement. Although Boko Haram can be compared in terms of philosophy and objectives to the Maitatsine sectarian group, its organisational planning, armed resistance, and modus operandi is Taliban and attacks executed by the groups so far the most ferocious and devastating. To arrest terrorism related offences, the Nigerian National Assembly on 17th February, 2011 passed a bill on Anti-Terrorism. Even with the Bill in place, and the invitation to negotiate by President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, Boko Haram attacks which initially was confined to North-Eastern Nigeria, like cancer has infected the North-Central and is spreading to Southern Nigeria. Given the inherent unsettled political and economic environment, the menace caused by Boko Haram attacks has cashed in to compound an already chaotic situation. A fall-out of the Boko Haram saga for example, is the re-awakening of the acrimonious call for a Sovereign National Conference- by implication; the so called 'One Nigeria' is being questioned. On the basis of this background, for the motives and intention of Boko haram, it can no longer be ignored, trivialised or abandoned. Apparently, the dynamics of terrorism in the context of Boko Haram attacks in Nigeria remains insufficiently explored. This article aims to narrow such a gap by analysing the concept of terrorism in light of the philosophy and objectives, spectrum of strategies, dimensions and networking of Boko Haram movement in Nigeria.

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Boko Haram and the Recurring Bomb Attacks in Nigeria: Attempt to Impose Religious Ideology through Terrorism? BOKO HARAM ET LES ATTENTATS A LA BOMBE AU NIGERIA : TENTER D'IMPOSER LES IDEOLOGIES RELIGIEUSE A TRAVERS LE TERRORISME ?

One important area in conflict studies which has not been given adequate attention in the literature is intra or sub-ethnic conflict. Inadequate research in this area is further exacerbated by the paucity of literature on the relationship between politics and conflict especially at intra-ethnic level. The study prompted by these gaps, therefore, interrogated the impact of politics on clan identity and conflicts; examined the relationship between intra and inter-party clashes and communal unrest; and analyzed the relationship between economic and socio-cultural variables and conflicts in Ebiraland. The study adopted qualitative and quantitative techniques to capture the nature of conflicts in the area. The research method encapsulated the use of survey which involved questionnaire administration, and complemented with interview and focus group discussion. The study came up with the following findings among others: while colonialism laid the foundation of communal conflicts in Ebiraland, political competition and other economic and socio-cultural factors especially from 1979 intensified the conflicts. The Study also found that, an average Ebira is pugilistic and tends to display aggressive tendency at minor provocation. It further identified a relationship between the unequal and lopsided political structure of Kogi State and violence in Ebiraland. The politicization of the existing cultural homogeneity by some political elements using as canon fodders the large number of unemployed youths was also discovered as a major trigger of conflict. Accordingly, the study recommended the need for youth mass employment; government regulatory measure on cultural activities; rotation of key political offices and justiciable distribution of resources and amenities among the ethnic groups in Kogi State. The study concluded that adherence to the proffered suggestions would mitigate the occurrence of conflict in Ebiraland.

Politics and conflicts: a study of ebiraland, nigeria (1977-2007)

List of Figures and Tables Preface to the third edition Preface to the second edition Preface to the third edition Part I: The Study of Politics: 1 The Meaning and Scope of Politics 2 Approaches and Levels 3 Key Concepts - 1: Power, Authority and Legitimacy 4 Key Concepts - 2: Ideology, Interest and Choice 5 Models in the Study of Politics 6 Models of Democracy - 1: Alternatives 7 Models of Democracy - 2: The Debate 8 The Scope and Responsibility of the State Part II: The Context of Politics: 9 Political Stability 10 History, Tradition and Myth 11 The Economic and Social Context of Politics Part III: National Politics in Operation: 12 Party Politics 13 Group Politics 14 Executives 15 Assemblies 16 Executive-Assembly Relations 17 Bureaucracies 18 Laws, Courts and Judges 19 The Police and the Military Part IV: Supranational and Subnational Politics: 20 Global Politics: Approaches to Analysis: Charlotte Bretherton 21 Global Politics: Processes of Change: Charlotte Bretherton 22 Nationalism, Federalism and Devolution 23 Local Politics Part V: Links Between Government and People: 24 Legitimacy 25 Political Socialization 26 Representation and Elections 27 Other Forms of Participation References

John Vogler

Papers

Introduction to Politics