In social psychology, we need to establish a general theory of the self which can attend to both macro and micro processes, and which avoids the redundancies of separate theories on different aspects of the self For this purpose, we present core components of identity theory and social identity theory and argue that although differences exist between the two theories, they are more differences in emphasis than in kind, and that linking the two theories can establish a more fully integrated view of the self The core components we examine include the different bases of identity (category/group or role) in each of the theories, identity salience and the activation of identities as discussed in the theories, and the cognitive and motivational processes that emerge from identities based on category/group and on role. By examining the self through the lens of both identity theory and social identity theory, we see how, in combination, they can move us toward a general theory of the self In contrast to Hogg and his colleagues (Hogg, Terry, and White 1995), we see substantial similarities and overlap between social identity theory and identity theory. We think that this overlap ultimately will cause these theories to be linked in fundamental ways, though we do not think that time has

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/2695870.pdf

Identity theory and social identity theory

Although several psychological theories predict that members of stigmatized groups should have low global self-esteem, empirical research typically does not support this prediction. It is proposed here that this discrepancy may be explained by considering the ways in which membership in a stigmatized group may protect the self-concept It is proposed that members of stigmatized groups may (a) attribute negative feedback to prejudice against their group, (b) compare their outcomes with those of the ingroup, rather than with the relatively advantaged outgroup, and (c) selectively devalue those dimensions on which their group fares poorly and value those dimensions on which their group excels. Evidence for each of these processes and their consequences for self-esteem and motivation is reviewed. Factors that moderate the use of these strategies and implications of this analysis for treatment of stigmas are also discussed. For more than three decades, social psychological research on prejudice, stereotyping, and discrimination has examined both the content of stereotypes about a variety of social groups

Social stigma and self-esteem: The self-protective properties of stigma.

Although the concept of justification has played a significant role in many social psychological theories, its presence in recent examinations of stereotyping has been minimal. We describe and evaluate previous notions of stereotyping as ego-justification and group-justification and propose an additional account, that of system-justification, which refers to psychological processes contributing to the preservation of existing social arrangements even at the expense of personal and group interest. It is argued that the notion of system-justification is necessary to account for previously unexplained phenomena, most notably the participation by disadvantaged individuals and groups in negative stereotypes of themselves, and the consensual nature of stereotypic beliefs despite differences in social relations within and between social groups. We offer a selective review of existing research that demonstrates the role of stereotypes in the production of false consciousness and develop the implications of a system-justification approach.

[T]he rationalizing and justifying function of a stereotype exceeds its function as a reflector of group attributes—G. W. Allport (1958, p. 192).

http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~banaji/research/publications/articles/1994_Jost_BJSP.pdf

The role of stereotyping in system‐justification and the production of false consciousness

Conventional wisdom has regarded low self-esteem as an important cause of violence, but the opposite view is theoretically viable. An interdisciplinary review of evidence about aggression, crime, and violence contradicted the view that low self-esteem is an important cause. Instead, violence appears to be most commonly a result of threatened egotismwthat is, highly favorable views of self that are disputed by some person or circumstance. Inflated, unstable, or tentative beliefs in the self's superiority may be most prone to encountering threats and hence to causing violence. The mediating process may involve directing anger outward as a way of avoiding a downward revision of the selfconcept. Only a minority of human violence can be understood as rational, instrumental behavior aimed at securing or protecting material rewards. The pragmatic futility of most violence has been widely recognized: Wars harm both sides, most crimes yield little financial gain, terrorism and assassination almost never bring about the desired political changes, most rapes fail to bring sexual pleasure, torture rarely elicits accurate or useful information, and most murderers soon regret their actions as pointless and selfdefeating (Ford, 1985; Gottfiedson & Hirschi, 1990; Groth, 1979; Keegan, 1993; Sampson & Laub, 1993; .Scm'ry, 1985). What drives people to commit violent and oppressive actions that so often are tangential or even contrary to the rational pursuit of material self-interest? This article reviews literature relevant to the hypothesis that one main source of such violence is threatened egotism, particularly when it consists of favorable self-appraisals that may be inflated or ill-founded and that are confronted with an external evaluation that disputes them. The focus on egotism (i.e., favorable self-appraisals) as one cause of violent aggression runs contrary to an entrenched body of wisdom that has long pointed to low self-esteem as the root of violence and other antisocial behavior. We shall examine the arguments for the low self-esteem view and treat it as a rival hypothesis to our emphasis on high self-esteem. Clearly, there

https://www.emotionalcompetency.com/papers/baumeistersmartboden1996[1].pdf

Relation of threatened egotism to violence and aggression: The dark side of high self-esteem.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the usefulness of factor analysis in developing and evaluating personality scales that measure limited domain constructs The approach advocated follows from several assumptions that a single scale ought to measure a single construct, that factor analysis ought to be applied routinely to new personality scales, and that the factors of a scale are important if it can be demonstrated that they are differentially related to other measures A detailed study of the Self-Monitoring Scale illustrates how factor analysis can help us to understand what a scale measures A second example uses the self-esteem literature to illustrate how factor analysis can clarify the proliferation of scales within a single content domain Both examples show how factor analysis can be used to identify important conceptual distinctions Confirmatory techniques are also introduced as a means for testing specific hypotheses It is concluded that factor analysis can make an important contribution to programmatic research in personality psychology

The role of factor analysis in the development and evaluation of personality scales

This paper analyzes the excuses and justifications which a sample of convicted, incarcerated rapists used to explain themselves and their crimes. Excuses consisted of appeals to forces outside of their control which, the men argued, compelled them to rape. Justifications attempted to present their own behavior as situationally appropriate and, using a number of common rape stereotypes, to make their victims appear culpable. We demonstrate how these excuses and justifications allowed the majority of these rapists to view themselves as either non-rapists or “exrapists.” Finally, through their narrative accounts, we explore convicted rapists' own perceptions of their crime.

Convicted rapists' vocabulary of motive: excuses and justifications*

In this paper we argue that the popular image of rape, a nonutilitarian act committed by a few "sick" men, is too limited a view of sexual violence because it excludes culture and social structure as pre-disposing factors. Our data come from interviews with 114 convicted, incarcerated rapists. Looking at rape from the perspective of rapists, we attempt to discover the function of sexual violence in their lives; what their behavior gained for them in a society seeming prone to rape. Our analysis reveals that a number of rapists used sexual violence as a method of revenge and/or punishment while others used it as a means of gaining access to unwilling or unavailable women. In some cases, rape was just a bonus added to burglary or robbery. Rape was also a recreational activity and described as an "adventure" and an "exciting" form of impersonal sex which gained the offender power over his victim(s).

Interviewing in a difficult situation: "Riding the bull at Gilley's": Convicted rapists describe the rewards of rape.

The importance of self-esteem to theoretical, evaluative and policy oriented research is stressed, which puts a premium on an adequate conceptualization and operationalization of self-esteem. A literature review is presented suggesting that various writers express dissatisfaction with a model of self-esteem which gives pre-emptory emphasis to the approval of others as its only source. It is concluded from these writings that feedback from one's own actions on an impersonal environment must be viewed as an analytically distinct dimension of self-esteem. It is argued that both outer and inner dimensions can be seen as belonging inside a sociological frame of reference. Findings from a construct validity study of the dual approach to self-esteem are presented using the potency and evaluative dimensions of the semantic differential as indicators of "instrumental" and "socio-emotional" problems, the "systemic" analogues of inner and outer self-esteem. Criterion variables and propositions are derived from a thesis largely supplied by Smith (1968). Seven out of 10 of the hypotheses comprising the validation study are statistically confirmed, leading the authors to conclude that the model is worthy of further development.

Efficacious Action and Social Approval as Interacting Dimensions of Self-Esteem: A Tentative Formulation Through Construct Validation.

“Riding the Bull at Gilley's”: Convicted Rapists Describe the Rewards of Rape

Literature in the area of rape has been dominated by the psychiatric perspective leading to the view of rape as an individualistic, ideosyncratic and psychopathological problem. This leads to a conception of the rapist as a special criminal who is somehow different from his fellow prisoners. This paper proposes to study rapists as emotionally average men who have been socialized to view aggressive sexual behavior as appropriate in various situations. A comparison of rapists’ attitudes toward women, violence and rape with that of other felons reveals that their rape relevant attitudes are more extreme. It is proposed that the prevailing rape myths that exist in the society at large serve the function of providing excuses and justifications for rapists.

Joseph Marolla

Papers

Convicted rapists' vocabulary of motive: excuses and justifications*

Interviewing in a difficult situation: "Riding the bull at Gilley's": Convicted rapists describe the rewards of rape.

Efficacious Action and Social Approval as Interacting Dimensions of Self-Esteem: A Tentative Formulation Through Construct Validation.

“Riding the Bull at Gilley's”: Convicted Rapists Describe the Rewards of Rape

Attitudes toward women, violence, and rape: A comparison of convicted rapists and other felons