萨义德以其独特的双重身份,对西方中心权力话语做了分析,通过对文学作品、演讲演说等文本的解读,将O rie n ta lis m——"东方学",做了三重释义:一门学科、一种思维方式和一种权力话语系统,对东方学权力话语做了系统的批判,同时将东方学放入空间维度对东方学文本做了细致的解读。

萨义德的“Orientalism”释义

From a world history perspective, the most noticeable trend in the history of the late 19th century was the domination of Europeans over Non­Europeans. This domination took many forms ranging from economic penetration to outright annexation. No area of the globe, however remote from Europe, was free of European merchants, adventurers, explorers or western missionaries. Was colonialism good for either the imperialist or the peoples of the globe who found themselves subjects of one empire or another? A few decades ago, the answer would have been a resounding no. Now, in the wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union, the more or less widespread discrediting of Marxist and Leninist analysis, and the end of the Cold War, political scientists and historians seem willing to take a more positive look at Nineteenth Century Imperialism. One noted current historian, Niall Ferguson has argued that the British Empire probably accomplished more positive good for the world than the last generation of historians, poisoned by Marxism, could or would concede. Ferguson has argued that the British Empire was a \" liberal \" empire that upheld international law, kept the seas open and free, and ultimately benefited everyone by ensuring the free flow of trade. In other words, Ferguson would find little reason to contradict the young Winston Churchill's assertion that the aim of British imperialism was to: give peace to warring tribes, to administer justice where all was violence, to strike the chains off the slave, to draw the richness from the soil, to place the earliest seeds of commerce and learning, to increase in whole peoples their capacities for pleasure and diminish their chances of pain. It should come as no surprise that Ferguson regards the United States current position in the world as the natural successor to the British Empire and that the greatest danger the U.S. represents is that the world will not get enough American Imperialism because U.S. leaders often have short attention spans and tend to pull back troops when intervention becomes unpopular. It will be very interesting to check back into the debate on Imperialism about ten years from now and see how Niall Ferguson's point of view has fared! The other great school of thought about Imperialism is, of course, Marxist. For example, Marxist historians like E.J. Hobsbawm argue that if we look at the l9th century as a great competition for the world's wealth and …

The New Imperialism

Flexible Citizenship: The Cultural Logics of Transnationality. Aihwa Ong. Durham, NIC: Duke University Press, 1999. ix. 322 pp., notes, bibliography, index.

Flexible Citizenship: The Cultural Logics of Transnationality

Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. 2004. New York. Penguin Books. 448 pages. ISBN: 0143035592 (paper).

Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire

Winner of the Modern Language Association's Katherine Singer Kovacs Prize."The Darker Side of the Renaissance "weaves together literature, semiotics, history, historiography, cartography, geography, and cultural theory to examine the role of language in the colonization of the New World.Walter D. Mignolo locates the privileging of European forms of literacy at the heart of New World colonization. He examines how alphabetic writing is linked with the exercise of power, what role "the book" has played in colonial relations, and the many connections between writing, social organization, and political control. It has long been acknowledged that Amerindians were at a disadvantage in facing European invaders because native cultures did not employ the same kind of texts (hence "knowledge") that were validated by the Europeans. Yet no study until this one has so thoroughly analyzed either the process or the implications of conquest and destruction through sign systems.Starting with the contrasts between Amerindian and European writing systems, Mignolo moves through such topics as the development of Spanish grammar, the different understandings of the book as object and text, principles of genre in history-writing, and an analysis of linguistic descriptions and mapping techniques in relation to the construction of territoriality and understandings of cultural space."The Darker Side of the Renaissance" will significantly challenge commonplace understandings of New World history. More importantly, it will continue to stimulate and provide models for new colonial and post-colonial scholarship.." . . a contribution to Renaissance studies of the first order. The field will have to reckon with it for years to come, for it will unquestionably become the point of departure for discussion not only on the foundations and achievements of the Renaissance but also on the effects and influences on colonized cultures." -- "Journal of Hispanic/ Latino Theology"Walter D. Mignolo is Professor in the Department of Romance Studies and the Program in Literature, Duke University.

The darker side of the Renaissance: literacy, terrotoriality, and colonization

Terrifying Muslims highlights how transnational working classes from Pakistan are produced, constructed, and represented in the context of American empire and the recent global War on Terror. Drawing on ethnographic research that compares Pakistan, the Middle East, and the United States before and after 9/11, Junaid Rana combines cultural and material analyses to chronicle the worldviews of Pakistani labor migrants as they become part of a larger global racial system. At the same time, he explains how these migrants’ mobility and opportunities are limited by colonial, postcolonial, and new imperial structures of control and domination. He argues that the contemporary South Asian labor diaspora builds on and replicates the global racial system consolidated during the period of colonial indenture. Rana maintains that a negative moral judgment attaches to migrants who enter the global labor pool through the informal economy. This taint of the illicit intensifies the post-9/11 Islamophobia that collapses varied religions, nationalities, and ethnicities into the threatening racial figure of “the Muslim.” It is in this context that the racialized Muslim is controlled by a process that beckons workers to enter the global economy, and stipulates when, where, and how laborers can migrate. The demonization of Muslim migrants in times of crisis, such as the War on Terror, is then used to justify arbitrary policing, deportation, and criminalization.

Terrifying Muslims: Race and Labor in the South Asian Diaspora

This article examines the historical construction of the figure of the Muslim through the concept of race and Islamophobia. As a threat to white Christian supremacy, and in relation to anti-Jewish racism, the Muslim is constructed through a racial logic that crosses the cultural categories of nation, religion, ethnicity, and sexuality. The placement of the Muslim in the U.S. racial formation encompasses a broad race concept that connects a history of Native America to Black America to immigrant America in the consolidation of anti-Muslim racism.

The Story of Islamophobia

In an October 2007 interview with GQ Magazine, former secretary of state and retired fourstar general Colin Powell warned of something he termed the terrorindustrial complex. Referencing the proliferation of fear in relation to security and military force, Powell portrayed a picture of multifaith tolerance and systemic fear attached to political processes and electoral politics. Musing from his office in Alexandria, Virginia, across the Potomac River from Washington, DC, he described this dilemma as follows:

The Racial Infrastructure of the Terror-Industrial Complex

c events of 11 September 2001 intensifi ed state policing and the ent of particular populations across the globe. Examples include lization of the amorphous category of terror, the construction of mbatants, the collapsing of terrorists with immigrants, the amplifi policing queer spaces, and the consolidation of patriarchy in state l power. Yet, the coupling of 11 September with acts of terror and orms of state repression proves hardly new. Although often noted, peating: another 11 September occurred some thirty years prior to f 2001. On this day in 1973, a CIA-backed coup overthrew Chile’s ically elected socialist government, thus beginning Latin America’s nt with neoliberal economics under a repressive military regime , 2006; Harvey, 2003; Joseph et al., 1998).1 The infamy of these two nects disparate places and events to histories of imperial power, population management, subjugation, and policing. Taking note esonances the articles in this special issue of Cultural Dynamics ffi cial and extra-offi cial governance in daily life, and question the ce of 11 September as a point of entry into the ongoing debates on olicing, and the politics of subordination. e works through myriad ways that bear on everyday life. The ip of this issue explores the role of 9/11 in precipitating ostensibly s of empire through ethnography that probes the disruptions, es, and technologies of policing. Through the lens of ethnography, rs describe the place of empire, neoliberalism, the state, policing, tion, and subjectivity in everyday formations of social life.2 Naber argues for an ethnographic understanding of the racial the ‘Arab–Middle Eastern–Muslim’ through the processes of subtion prior to and after 9/11. She tracks how the ongoing process of

https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0921374006071613

Junaid Rana

Papers

Terrifying Muslims: Race and Labor in the South Asian Diaspora

The Story of Islamophobia

The Racial Infrastructure of the Terror-Industrial Complex

Managing Crisis: Post-9/11 Policing and Empire

Anthropology and the Riddle of White Supremacy