Attachment--and loss.

From the Publisher:
The old opposition of matter versus mind stubbornly persists in the way we study mind and brain. In treating cognition as problem solving, Andy Clark suggests, we may often abstract too far from the very body and world in which our brains evolved to guide us. Whereas the mental has been treated as a realm that is distinct from the body and the world, Clark forcefully attests that a key to understanding brains is to see them as controllers of embodied activity. From this paradigm shift he advances the construction of a cognitive science of the embodied mind.

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Being There: Putting Brain, Body, and World Together Again

Let's read! We will often find out this sentence everywhere. When still being a kid, mom used to order us to always read, so did the teacher. Some books are fully read in a week and we need the obligation to support reading. What about now? Do you still love reading? Is reading only for you who have obligation? Absolutely not! We here offer you a new book enPDFd the perception of the visual world to read.

The Perception of the Visual World. By James J. Gibson. U.S.A.: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1950 (George Allen & Unwin, Ltd., London). Price 35s.

This chapter explores the ecology of human development, those forces in the person's environment that affect and influence development. Urie Bronfenbrenner's model of the human ecosystem guides the discussion, making connections between children in families and in communities and the larger society that surrounds them. The human ecosystem model is much like the study of the natural ecology, focusing on the interactions between subjects at various levels of the environment as they affect each other. The interaction between individual and environment forms the basis of an ecological approach to human development. This view sees the process of development as the expansion of the child's conception of the world and the child's ability to act on that world. Risks to development can come from both direct threats and the absence of opportunities for development. Sociocultural risk refers to the impoverishment in the child's world of essential experiences and relationships.

The Ecology of Human Development

Not by Genes Alone: How Culture Transformed Human Evolution

This article presents a developmental account of changes in the visual guidance of locomotion. In contrast to the impressive efficiency of adult locomotion, locomotor activity is not under prospective control at the onset of human mobility. Infants require extensive crawling and walking experience before responding adaptively to variations in the terrain. At the same time that they are learning to navigate in increasingly varied environments, their bodies and skills are rapidly changing. Learning generalizes from safe, flat ground to novel surfaces but it does not transfer to new methods of locomotion. We account for these patterns of generality and specificity of learning by focusing on the role of exploratory behavior in detecting threats to balance control.

Development of Visually Guided Locomotion

Infants master crawling and walking in an environment filled with varied and unfamiliar surfaces. At the same time, infants' bodies and skills continually change. The changing demands of everyday locomotion require infants to adapt locomotion to the properties of the terrain and to their own physical abilities. This Monograph examines how infants acquire adaptive locomotion in a novel task--going up and down slopes. Infants were tested longitudinally from their first week of crawling until several weeks after they began walking. Everyday locomotor experience played a central role in adaptive responding. Over weeks of crawling, infants' judgments became increasingly accurate, and exploration became increasingly efficient. There was no transfer over the transition from crawling to walking. Instead, infants learned, all over again, how to cope with slopes from an upright position. Findings indicate that learning generalized from everyday experience traveling over flat surfaces at home but that learning was specific to infants' typical method of locomotion and vantage point. Moreover, learning was not the result of simple associations between a particular locomotor response and a particular slope. Rather, infants learned to gauge their abilities on-line as they encountered each hill at the start of the trial. Change in locomotor responses and exploratory movements revealed a process of differentiation and selection spurred by changes in infants' everyday experience, body dimensions, and locomotor proficiency on flat ground.

Learning in the development of infant locomotion

How do infants learn to perceive the backs of objects that they see only from a limited viewpoint? Infants’ 3-dimensional object completion abilities emerge in conjunction with developing motor skills— independent sitting and visual–manual exploration. Infants at 4.5 to 7.5 months of age (n 28) were habituated to a limited-view object and tested with volumetrically complete and incomplete (hollow) versions of the same object. Parents reported infants’ sitting experience, and infants’ visual–manual exploration of objects was observed in a structured play session. Infants’ self-sitting experience and visual–manual exploratory skills predicted looking at the novel, incomplete object on the habituation task. Further analyses revealed that self-sitting facilitated infants’ visual inspection of objects while they manipulated them. The results are framed within a developmental systems approach, wherein infants’ sitting skill, multimodal object exploration, and object knowledge are linked in developmental time.

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Systems in development: motor skill acquisition facilitates three-dimensional object completion.

This study compared the relative contributions of growing body dimensions, age, and walking experience in the development of walking skill in 9- to 17-month-old infants (N = 210), 5-6-year old kindergartners (N = 15), and college students (N = 13). Kinematic measures derived from participants' footprints showed characteristic improvements in walking skill. As children became bigger, older, and more experienced, their steps became longer, narrower, straighter, and more consistent. Improvements reflected a narrowing base of support and increasing control over the path of progression. Although both infants' age and the duration of their walking experience contributed to improvements in walking skill, experience was the stronger predictor. This finding suggests that practice is the more important developmental factor for helping infants to conquer their weak muscles and precarious balance.

What changes in infant walking and why.

A century of research on the development of walking has examined periodic gait over a straight, uniform path. The current study provides the first corpus of natural infant locomotion derived from spontaneous activity during free play. Locomotor experience was immense: Twelve- to 19-month-olds averaged 2,368 steps and 17 falls per hour. Novice walkers traveled farther faster than expert crawlers, but had comparable fall rates, which suggests that increased efficiency without increased cost motivates expert crawlers to transition to walking. After walking onset, natural locomotion improved dramatically: Infants took more steps, traveled farther distances, and fell less. Walking was distributed in short bouts with variable paths—frequently too short or irregular to qualify as periodic gait. Nonetheless, measures of periodic gait and of natural locomotion were correlated, which indicates that better walkers spontaneously walk more and fall less. Immense amounts of time-distributed, variable practice constitute the natural practice regimen for learning to walk.

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Karen E. Adolph

Papers

Development of Visually Guided Locomotion

Learning in the development of infant locomotion

Systems in development: motor skill acquisition facilitates three-dimensional object completion.

What changes in infant walking and why.

How Do You Learn to Walk? Thousands of Steps and Dozens of Falls per Day