Politics that give a privileged migratory or citizenship status to individuals abroad because of presumed common origins with a granting state's people foster the expectation that ethnic affinity facilitates social and economic integration. However, a growing literature has documented a mismatch between the social and the economic expectations of people defined as co-ethnics by these policies. Relying on a study of Spanish-descent Argentines who have ‘returned’ to Spain, we argue that the effect of perceived ethnic affinities varies by social context. While ethnic similarity with natives may offer an advantage to migrants in search of housing or educational opportunities, it can hinder entry to the job market. From an employer's standpoint, what makes ‘traditional’ immigrants suited to these positions is their willingness to put up with low wages and poor working conditions in anticipation of future economic and status payoffs in the homeland. To the extent that ethnic-affinity migrants are oriented prima...

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The Problem with Similarity: Ethnic Affinity Migrants in Spain

On 14 November 1946, the composer Manuel de Falla died in Alta Gracia, in the Argentinean province of Cordoba. He had last seen his Spanish homeland in September 1939, only five months after the end of the Spanish Civil War. Ever since his departure, music critics and journalists back in Spain had been engaging in a strategy which aimed to present Falla as sympathetic to the Francoist cause and — most importantly — as an incarnation of those values which the regime considered the very core of national identity. It is the aim of this article to analyse this strategy, which was not only a reflection of the ways in which Francoism shaped Spanishness, but also a continuation of conceptions of national identity which predate Franco. The treatment of Falla across a range of periodical publications (from the music criticism sections of newspapers to specialized music periodicals), from his departure to Argentina in September 1939 to his funeral in Cadiz on 9 January 1947, will be analysed, focusing on th...

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A Catholic, a Patriot, a Good Modernist: Manuel de Falla and the Francoist Musical Press

Cultural diplomacy is being increasingly considered the medium in which nation states can instrumentalize their cultural production and accomplish soft power goals. Analysts have repeatedly underlined the importance of culture in place branding in globalized economies, where culture can singularize products and assign them greater value. Both foreign and cultural policy have made the international projection of cultural industries a strategic goal, and this has simultaneously transformed the goals and networks of these policies. Although the literature addresses this phenomenon, certain effects of brand policy-making have become evident and require further attention: the simplification of cultural diversity, the elimination of non-coherent characteristics within brands and the limitation of internal dissension and participation. In this paper, Spain’s nation branding project Marca Espana (Spain Brand) is critically analysed as a process of economic and political instrumentalization conducted by large comp...

Spain’s nation branding project Marca España and its cultural policy: the economic and political instrumentalization of a homogeneous and simplified cultural image

NO-DO, the Spanish official newsreel produced by Franco's dictatorship (1939-1975), held a 30-year monopoly over audio-visual information in Spain from 1943 to 1975. This paper reports on an analysis of coverage of medical technologies by the Spanish Cinematic Newsreel Service, NO-DO, from 1943 to 1970. The study focuses on the changing roles played by cultural representations of medical technologies deployed in NO-DO. Our analysis shows how these representations offered a new space for the legitimization of the regime, and, more importantly, played a key role in the attempts to construct and enforce a hegemonic national identity after the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). During the period of isolationist autocracy that ended in the mid-1950s, the images of medical technologies reinforced the idea of a self-sufficient "national space" and deepened the break with the historical past. Once the international isolation of the regime was overcome in the late 1950s and the 1960s, the representation of medical technologies contributed to establishing a Spanish national identity that mirrored the outside world, the foreign space. Finally, gender representations in NO-DO are also explored.

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Cinematic representations of medical technologies in the Spanish official newsreel, 1943-1970.

Entre 1920 y 1930 la interaccion volvio a ser eminentemente comercial y financiera, pero Espana pudo actuar con una mayor libertad y desafiar los objetivos de los Estados Unidos mediante la puesta en practica de programas economicos de corte nacionalis-ta, simbolizados por los altos aranceles y la creacion de la CAMPSA En segundo lugar, hemos usado nuestro trabajo para efectuar una contribucion a los debates academicos en torno a la politica exterior norteamericana, que han enfrentado a aquellos que interpretaban las acciones del Departamento de Estado en clave puramente ideologica, con las escuelas realista y revisionista o de La Puerta Abierta Por ultimo, hemos interpretado las relaciones bilaterales dentro del marco general de la politica de los Estados Unidos hacia Europa Occidental Con ello hemos podido llegar a la conclusion de que Espana nunca constituyo en esos anos un capitulo aparte en el conjunto de las actuaciones del gobierno de Washington, quedando siempre incluida en los planes norteamericanos que afectaban al conjunto del area europea

El despliegue de la potencia americana: las relaciones entre España y los Estados Unidos(1898-1930)

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Imperio de papel: acción cultural y política exterior durante el primer franquismo

Diplomacia franquista y politica cultural hacia Iberoamérica, 1939-1953

Sin ser un eje prioritario como Europa o Estados Unidos, la «relacion especial» de Espana con America Latina ha convertido a este area en un objetivo de gran importancia para la politica exterior peninsular, en un intento de aumentar el peso internacional de Espana. Este articulo analiza las constantes y los cambios que experimento a lo largo del siglo XX la politica americanista de los distintos gobiernos espanoles. Parte de su definicion por el poder en los anos veinte; estudia su consolidacion, aunque con presupuestos ideologicos diferentes, durante la dictadura de Primo de Rivera y la Republica, y su gran desarrollo durante el franquismo. Finalmente, analiza los cambios que supuso la llegada de la democracia y su replanteamiento de la politica americanista, que ha llevado a Espana a convertirse en un interlocutor de primer orden para la region.

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La política latinoamericana de España en el siglo XX

Desde la instalacion de sus bases militares en Espana, los dirigentes norteamericanos fueron conscientes del dilema que suponia colaborar con el regimen y, al tiempo, preparar el futuro posfranquista. En los anos sesenta la convergencia de intereses con los cuadros tecnocratas espanoles, en torno a la formula de modernizacion y desarrollo, permitio encontrar espacios de colaboracion en el terreno de la politica educativa y cientifica. Las autoridades espanolas comprendieron la necesidad de acometer reformas en ambos ambitos para respaldar el crecimiento economico, ante la evidencia de que era preciso contar con cuadros mejor formados que pilotasen el proceso de modernizacion. Estados Unidos vio en ello una oportunidad para influir en la evolucion de la sociedad espanola y, por extension, para atenuar una identificacion no deseada con el franquismo y moldear a los «protagonistas del futuro». El respaldo a la Ley General de Educacion de 1970 constituyo el episodio postrero de una trayectoria en que la diplomacia publica norteamericana hubo de desenvolverse en la cuerda floja, entre el entendimiento con la dictadura y el apoyo a la democracia.

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Modernizadores y tecnócratas. Estados Unidos ante la política educativa y científica de la España del desarrollo

During the 1960s, the OECD, through its Mediterranean Regional Program, worked cooperatively with authorities in Spain to promote changes in the country’s educational system that would strengthen economic growth The objective was to integrate Spain into the «global architecture of education», which conceived investments in the cultivation of human capital as an essential factor to ensure the development and modernization of its productive sector UNESCO, the World Bank, and other international organizations cooperated in a similar fashion, providing outside assistance in the dissemination of methods and knowledge to influence the education reforms being undertaken in Spain The approaches included in the PRM became a guide for the Spanish authorities and found their way into the Planes de Desarrollo (plans for development), though more as ideals than as realities due to a systematic failure to comply with the measures prescribed In spite of everything, that international influence occasioned an opening up to pedagogical methods that altered teaching practices and were a shock to a stagnant, reactionary, and class-based system, thus contributing to its gradual transformation At the start of the following decade, a more all-encompassing reform was attempted with the General Education Law of 1970, integrating the economic and the social dimensions of change to mitigate the political conflicts that were eroding the dictatorship Again, the results were mediocre, this time due to the combined effects of detractors from inside and outside the Franco regime

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Lorenzo Delgado Gómez-Escalonilla

Papers

Imperio de papel: acción cultural y política exterior durante el primer franquismo

Diplomacia franquista y politica cultural hacia Iberoamérica, 1939-1953

La política latinoamericana de España en el siglo XX

Modernizadores y tecnócratas. Estados Unidos ante la política educativa y científica de la España del desarrollo

Educación para el desarrollo. OCDE, asistencia exterior y reforma de la enseñanza en la España del tardofranquismo