Most investigations of creativity tend to take one of two directions: everyday creativity (also called “little-c”), which can be found in nearly all people, and eminent creativity (also called “Big-C”), which is reserved for the great. In this paper, the authors propose a Four C model of creativity that expands this dichotomy. Specifically, the authors add the idea of “mini-c,” creativity inherent in the learning process, and Pro-c, the developmental and effortful progression beyond little-c that represents professional-level expertise in any creative area. The authors include different transitions and gradations of these four dimensions of creativity, and then discuss advantages and examples of the Four C Model.

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Beyond Big and Little: The Four C Model of Creativity:

There are two paradoxical characteristics of the contemporary global economy. First, innovative activity is not uniformly or randomly distributed across the geographical landscape. Indeed, the more knowledge-intensive the economic activity , the more geographically clustered it tends to be. The best examples include industries such as biotechnology or Wnancial services, which have become ever more tightly clustered in a small number of major centers, despite the attempts of many other places to attract or generate their own activities in these sectors. Second, this tendency toward spatial concentration has become more marked over time, not less contradicts longstanding predictions that the increasing use of information and communication technologies would lead to the dispersal of innovative activity over g g p p g Fagerberg / The Oxford Handbook of Innovation Revised Proof 31.7.2004 5:38pm page 291

The Geography of Innovation: Regional Innovation Systems

This article represents a broad and occasionally polemical meditation on the nature and significance of creative cities. I seek to situate the concept of creative cities within the context of the so-called new economy and to trace out the connections of these phenomena to recent shifts in technologies, structures of production, labor markets, and the dynamics of locational agglomeration. I try to show, in particular, how the structures of the new economy unleash historically specific forms of economic and cultural innovation in modern cities. The argument is concerned passim with policy issues and, above all, with the general possibilities and limitations faced by policymakers in any attempt to build creative cities. The effects of globalization are discussed, with special reference to the prospective emergence of a worldwide network of creative cities bound together in relations of competition and cooperation. In the conclusion, I pinpoint some of the darker dimensions-both actual and potential-of creative cities.

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Creative cities: Conceptual issues and policy questions

This paper gives a critical review of the four main research lines in network analysis. Authors begin with the discussion of an informal aspect of the networks - the role of the social ties in job search, mobilization of collective action and information transferring. After that the authors turn to the analysis of the more developed and formal direction of the network analysis, devoted to the networks and power. The next step is the consideration of the de-evolution of the big vertically centralized integrated firm and its division in complicated relation networks. Finally the paper deals with production networks where the authors underline the importance of space decentralized joined production in the development of new production processes and commercialization of new products. The paper focuses on the studies that demonstrated the main role of the networks in economic life and those studies that complement to each other.

Networks and Economic life

In this paper I critique the notion of ‘the creative class' and the fuzzy causal logic about its relationship to urban growth. I argue that in the creative class, occupations that exhibit distinctive spatial and political proclivities are bunched together, purely on the basis of educational attainment, and with little demonstrable relationship to creativity. I use a case study of artists, one element of the purported creative class, to probe this phenomenon, demonstrating that the formation, location, urban impact, and politics of this occupation are much more complex and distinctive than has been suggested previously. The spatial distribution of artists is a function of semiautonomous personal migration decisions, local nurturing of artists in dedicated spaces and organizations, and the locus of artist-employing firms. Artists have very high rates of self-employment, boosting regional growth by providing import-substituting consumption activities for residents and through direct export of their work. The...

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Urban Development and the Politics of a Creative Class: Evidence from a Study of Artists:

The Rise of the Creative Class

Images in motion

As a result of the events of 1830, Belgium was able to assert itself as a political entity The self-confidence of the fledgling Belgian state was supported by a national consciousness, already present before 1830 but affirmed or defined more emphatically by various components of society after independence In this process of national conscience-raising painting played an important role Painting was used to give Belgium a cultural identity as a nation which was necessary to help legitimize the newly acquired political autonomy It functioned as a national discourse whereby its singularity regarding themes, contents and style were expressly defined

Lut Pil

Papers

The Rise of the Creative Class

Images in motion

Painting at the Service of the New Nation State

Quasimodo of Apollo? De romantische historische verbeelding en de beperkingen van het ‘heroïsche’ monument in het jonge België (1830-1860)

ICSID Design Congress 2003