Showing papers by "Magnus Henrekson published in 2015"

Swedish Lessons: How Important are ICT and R&D to Economic Growth?

Abstract: Since the mid-1990s value added has grown faster in the Swedish business sector than in most other OECD countries. We investigate the association between information and communications technology (ICT) and research and development (R&D) capital and value added in the Swedish non-farm business sector. By estimating neoclassical production function models on data for 47 different industries for the period 1993–2012 we show that ICT and R&D capital are significantly associated with value added for most specifications. When controlling for economic shocks the results show that on average, if ICT capital increases by 10 percent, value added increases by 1.8 percent. We also divide ICT capital into hardware and software capital. To our knowledge, this distinction has not been made in any previous study at the industry level. In this case only the estimated elasticity of software is significantly different from zero. One possible explanation could be that all industries invest in hardware, but only the ones that successfully invest in and implement software enjoy positive effects from ICT.

Swedish Wealth Taxation (1911–2007)

Abstract: Modern wealth taxation was introduced in Sweden in 1911 by the 1910 Ordinance of Income and Wealth Taxation, SFS 1910:115.1 Various kinds of duties and fees on estates had existed previously, but only for small and specific parts of the tax base and population strata.2 The 1910 reform conferred an important role to the ability-to-pay principle in the Swedish income tax system, thus making it natural to take advantage of the greater ability to pay tax that possession of wealth gave the taxpayer (SOU 1969:54, 78).3 A second motive was to compensate for the erosion of other tax bases and growing government financing needs. Likewise, several types of wealth tax were introduced during and between the World Wars in order to fund the military. Finally, beginning in the early 1930s, the wealth tax was motivated as a means of redistribution (SOU 1969:54, 8–9).4

Swedish Inheritance and Gift Taxation (1885-2004)

Abstract: Modern inheritance taxation was introduced in Sweden in 1885, in the form of a single tax—the 1884 Stamp Ordinance. Various kinds of duties and fees on estates, inheritances, and wills had existed earlier, but only for small and specific parts of the tax base and population strata.1 This chapter provides a detailed analysis of the evolution of Swedish gift, inheritance, and estate taxes from 1885 until 2004 when they were abolished.

Inheritance Taxation in Sweden, 1885-2004: The Role of Ideology, Family Firms and Tax Avoidance

Abstract: This paper studies the evolution of Swedish inheritance taxation since the late nineteenth century to its abolition in 2004. Our contribution is twofold. First, we compute the annual effective inheritance tax rates for different sizes of bequests, if the inherited assets were family firm equity or not, accounting for all relevant exemptions, deductions and valuation discounts. Second, we attempt to explain changes in inheritance taxation over time. Ideology appears to be the main driver of the sharp tax increases of the 1930s through the 1960s. Wartime economies with higher pressures on the people induced politicians to raise inheritance taxes on the wealthy, primarily during the First World War. We also document increased opportunities for tax planning for the wealthy, most notably a series of tax cuts on inherited family firms in the 1970s. This rise in avoidance opportunities for the rich while middle-class heirs face growing inheritance tax rates undermined the legitimacy of the tax and led to its repeal.

Swedish taxation : developments since 1862

Abstract: 1. Taxation in Sweden Since 1862: An Introduction and Overview Magnus Henrekson, Mikael Stenkula 2. Swedish Labor Income Taxation (1862 2013) Gunnar Du Rietz, Dan Johansson, Mikael Stenkula 3. Swedish Capital Income Taxation (1862 2013) Gunnar Du Rietz, Dan Johansson, Mikael Stenkula 4. Taxation of Goods and Services in Sweden (1862 2013) Mikael Stenkula 5. Swedish Inheritance and Gift Taxation (1885 2004) Gunnar Du Rietz, Magnus Henrekson, Daniel Waldenstroem 6. Swedish Wealth Taxation (1911 2007) Gunnar Du Rietz, Magnus Henrekson 7. Taxation of Real Estate in Sweden (1862 2013) Mikael Stenkula

Superentrepreneurship and Global Imbalances: Closing Europe's Gap to Other Industrialized Regions *

Abstract: The overwhelming majority of self-employed individuals are not entrepreneurial in the Schumpeterian sense. To unmistakably identify Schumpeterian entrepreneurs, we focus on self-made billionaires (in USD) from the Forbes Magazine list who became wealthy by founding new firms. In this way, we identify 996 billionaire entrepreneurs in over fifty countries during the 1996-2010 period. Interestingly, the rate of billionaire entrepreneurs per capita correlates negatively with self-employment rates. Countries with higher incomes, higher trust, lower taxes, more venture capital investment and lower regulatory burdens have higher entrepreneurship rates but less self-employment. Europe has a higher self-employment rate than the United States and East Asia. At the same time, Europe has a lower entrepreneurship rate than competitor regions. Europe underperforms in entrepreneurship despite having advantages such as a skilled labour force, good infrastructure, large markets and strong performance in technological innovation.

Swedish Wealth Taxation (1911–2007)

Abstract: This paper studies the evolution of modern Swedish wealth taxation since its introduction in 1911 until it was abolished in 2007. It offers a thorough description of the rules concerning valuation of assets, deductions/exemptions and tax schedules to characterize effective wealth tax schedules for the period 1911–2006. These rules and schedules are used to calculate marginal and average wealth tax rates for the whole period for a number of differently endowed owners of family firms and individual fortunes. The overall trend in the direct wealth tax was rising until 1971 for owners of large and middle-sized firms and for individuals of similar wealth consisting of non-corporate assets. Average direct wealth tax rates were low until 1934, except for 1913 when a temporary extra progressive defense tax was levied. There were three major tax hikes: in 1934, when the wealth tax was more than doubled, in 1948 when tax rates doubled again and in 1971 for owners of large firms and similarly sized non-corporate fortunes. Effective tax rates peaked in 1973 for owners of large firms and in 1983 for individuals with large non-corporate wealth. Reduction rules limited the wealth tax rates from 1934 for fortunes with high wealth/income ratios. The wealth tax on unlisted net business equity was abolished in 1991. Tax rates for wealthy individuals were decreased in 1991 and in 1992 and then remained at 0.51 percent until 2006, depending on whether the reduction rule was applicable. Tax rates for small-firm owners and small individual fortunes were substantially lower, but the tax difference was much smaller when owners of large fortunes could benefit from the reduction rules. The effective wealth tax was much greater if firm owners had to finance wealth tax payments through additional dividend payouts. In such cases the effective total wealth taxes were affected by high marginal income tax rates and peaked at extremely high levels in the 1970s and 1980s. Towards the end of the wealth tax regime, aggregate wealth tax revenues were relatively small: it never exceeded 0.4 percent of GDP in the postwar period and amounted to 0.16 percent of GDP in 2006.

Swedish Taxation since 1862: An Introduction and Overview

Abstract: Rulers, whether they are contemporary democratically elected governments or ancient despotic dictators, never lack objectives on which to spend money. However, until recently in human history, raising revenue was both problematic and expensive. Direct taxes, if they existed, were levied on part of the production of the land, and the otherwise untaxable poor citizens paid taxes in the form of labor. Another source of taxation was external manifestations of wealth, such as houses, windows, fountains, and other signs of affluence.1

Swedish Taxation since 1862: An Overview *

Abstract: This paper examines the development of taxation in Sweden from 1862 to 2013. The examination covers six key aspects of the Swedish tax system: the taxation of labor income, capital income, consumption, inheritance and gift, wealth and real estate. The importance of these taxes varied greatly over time and Sweden increasingly relied on broad-based taxes (such as income taxes and general consumption taxes) and taxes that were less visible to the public (such as payroll taxes and social security contributions). The tax-to-GDP ratio was initially low and relatively stable, but from the 1930s, the ratio increased sharply for 50 years. Towards the end of the period, the tax-to-GDP ratio declined significantly. The analysis is based on a project conducted at the Research Institute of Industrial Economics (IFN) and provides both a unique length and breadth of the development of a national tax system. JEL-codes: H20; H71; N43; N44.

An Innovation Policy Framework: Bridging the Gap between Industrial Dynamics and Growth

Abstract: This paper examines policy measures that foster the creation of innovations with high inherent potential and that simultaneously provide the right incentives for individuals to create and expand firms that disseminate such innovations in the form of highly valued products. In so doing, we suggest an innovation policy framework based on two pillars: (i) the accumulation, investment, and upgrading of knowledge and (ii) the implementation of mechanisms that enable knowledge to be exploited such that growth and societal prosperity are encouraged. Knowledge is a necessary but far from sufficient condition for growth. To secure industrial dynamics and growth in the long term, institutions must be designed both to encourage sophisticated knowledge investments and to stimulate the creation, diffusion and productive use of knowledge in all sectors of the economy. We argue that the latter area has been overlooked in the policy discussion and that a coherent innovation policy framework must include tax policy, labor market regulation, savings channeling, competition policy, housing market regulation, and infrastructure to foster growth and future prosperity.

Swedish Inheritance and Gift Taxation, 1885–2004

Abstract: This paper studies the evolution of the modern Swedish inheritance taxation from its introduction in 1885 to its abolishment in 2004. A thorough description is offered of the basic principles of the tax, including underlying ideas and ambitions, tax schedules, and rules concerning valuation of assets, liability matters and deduction opportunities. Using these rules, we calculate inheritance tax rates for the whole period for a number of differently endowed family firms and individuals. The overall trend in inheritance tax burden exhibits an inverse-U shape for all firms and individuals. Up until the end of World War I, inheritance tax rates were very low (never above four percent). Tax rates began to increase in the interwar period with tax hikes in 1918, 1920 and 1934. After World War II tax rates increased rapidly for both inherited firms and individual fortunes. Effective tax rates peaked in the mid-1970s. Valuation reliefs were introduced in the 1970s, which sharply reduced tax rates for inherited family businesses. Tax rates for deceased individuals having non-corporate wealth were first cut in 1987 and then significantly reduced in 1991–1992. Finally, inheritance and gift tax revenues were relatively small, typically 0.1 to 0.2 percent of GDP.

How important are ICT and R&D investments for value added in the Swedish business sector?

Abstract: Since the mid-1990s value added has grown faster in the Swedish business sector than in the business sector of most other OECD countries. We investigate the association between ICT and R&D capital and value added in the Swedish non-farm business sector. By estimating neoclassical production function models on data for 47 different industries for the period 1993–2012 we show that ICT and R&D capital are significantly associated with value added for most specifications. When controlling for economic shocks the results show that on average, if ICT capital increases by 10 percent, value added increases by 1.8 percent. We also divide ICT capital into hardware and software capital. To our knowledge, this distinction has not been made in any previous study at the industry level. In this case only the estimated elasticity of software is significantly different from zero. One possible explanation could be that all industries invest in hardware, but only the ones that successfully invest in and implement software enjoy positive effects from ICT. JEL Codes: O14; O32; O33; O47