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Imagine that you get such certain awesome experience and knowledge by only reading a book. How can? It seems to be greater when a book can be the best thing to discover. Books now will appear in printed and soft file collection. One of them is this book a transformational approach to english syntax root structure preserving and local transformations. It is so usual with the printed books. However, many people sometimes have no space to bring the book for them; this is why they can't read the book wherever they want.

A Transformational Approach to English Syntax: Root, Structure-Preserving, and Local Transformations

The Languages of Native North America. Marianne Mithun. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. 773 pp.

The Languages of Native North America

Phonology and morphology

The subject of nonfinite clauses is often missing, and yet is understood to refer to some linguistic or contextual referent (e.g. 'Bill preferred __ to remain silent' is understood as 'Bill preferred that he himself would remain silent'). This dependency is the subject matter of control theory. Extensive linguistic research into control constructions over the past five decades has unearthed a wealth of empirical findings in dozens of languages. Their proper classification and analysis, however, have been a matter of continuing debate within and across different theoretical schools. This comprehensive book pulls together, for the first time, all the important advances on the topic. Among the issues discussed are: the distinction between raising and control, obligatory and nonobligatory control, syntactic interactions with case, finiteness and nominalization, lexical determination of the controller, and phenomena like partial and implicit control. The critical discussions in this work will stimulate students and scholars to further explorations in this fascinating field.

Control in Generative Grammar: A Research Companion

The Routledge Handbook of North American Languages is a one-stop reference for linguists on those topics that come up the most frequently in the study of the languages of North America (including Mexico). This handbook compiles a list of contributors from across many different theories and at different stages of their careers, all of whom are well-known experts in North American languages. The volume comprises two distinct parts: the first surveys some of the phenomena most frequently discussed in the study of North American languages, and the second surveys some of the most frequently discussed language families of North America. The consistent goal of each contribution is to couch the content of the chapter in contemporary theory so that the information is maximally relevant and accessible for a wide range of audiences, including graduate students and young new scholars, and even senior scholars who are looking for a crash course in the topics. Empirically driven chapters provide fundamental knowledge needed to participate in contemporary theoretical discussions of these languages, making this handbook an indispensable resource for linguistics scholars.

The Routledge Handbook of North American Languages

Clitic placement in European Portuguese (EP) differs significantly from that of other Romance languages. Specifically, EP typically exhibits enclitics whereas in other Romance languages proclitics are found. Environments which trigger proclisis in EP generally have no effect on clitic placement in other Romance languages. EP also exhibits an apparent endoclitic structure in future and condition forms, in which the clitic is found between the verb stem and subject agreement. I propose a version of the Tobler-Mussafia law to account for this phenomenon, updated for a current Minimalist Program framework. I propose that clitics cannot occur at the phonological border of a strong phase. If the clitic does appear in this position, the verb must raise past the clitic. Furthermore, I argue that EP possesses the following clause structure: TopP>CP>AdvsP>NegP>IP>vP>VP. The resurrection of the Tobler-Mussafia law accounts for the three types of clitics in a heterogeneous set of environments in EP.

https://twpl.library.utoronto.ca/index.php/twpl/article/download/6239/3227

Clitic placement in European Portuguese

While we agree with Baker (2009) that noun incorporation (NI) is not a unified phenomenon cross-linguistically, we argue against his claim that head movement is still needed for NI in a number of languages (including Mohawk and Mapudungun). Our proposal is that NI involves phrasal movement. The motivation behind our proposal is that incorporated nominals can be much larger than bare roots with a structure incompatible with head movement. The empirical foundation for the phrasal movement claim comes primarily from Onondaga (qua Northern Iroquoian) and Ojibwe (qua Algonquian). In these languages, incorporated nouns appear with nominalizers and inflectional morphemes violating Baker’s (1996, 2003) Proper Head Movement Generalization. Our proposal about NI has important theoretical ramifications: while it has been popular to build words in polysynthetic languages in the syntax via head movement, we view “wordhood” and the polysynthetic properties of such languages as a phonological phenomenon (Dechaine 1999; Branigan et al. 2005; Compton and Pittman 2010).

Noun incorporation and phrasal movement

ing away from the feature-geometric representations and concentrating only on the feature content of the tones, I suggest a plausible set of features for Xiamen tones in (4). (4) 44 – [U, h] 24 – [U, lh] 22 – [L, h] 21 – [L, hl] 53 – [U, hl] In the next section, I argue that a phonological approach to Xiamen tone sandhi is on the right track and that other approaches are not. 2 Tone Circles Are Phonological As mentioned above, one of the earliest phonological analyses of Xiamen tone sandhi was given by Wang (1967), who proposed the SPEtype rule in (5) to explain the tone sandhi facts. (5) [ high, fall] N [ high, fall] The unnaturalness of this rule has been used to suggest that the Xiamen tone circle is not an active phonological process and is best considered a paradigmatic replacement (Schuh 1978) or arbitrary substitution (Anderson 1978). Tsay and Myers (1996) consider tone circles a morphological rather than phonological process. Specifically, they argue that the citation and sandhi tones are allomorphs learned as pairs. Under this approach, any pairing of tones should be possible. However, as Hsieh (2005) points out, both native and borrowed words pattern consistently with respect to the Xiamen tone circle. Hsieh (1970) and Wang (1995) report that native speakers do not execute tone sandhi consistently for nonce words. They take this as evidence against the psychological reality of the tone sandhi circle as a phonologically active component of the grammar. Hsieh (2005) 3 As [24] is the only rising tone in the inventory, there is no a priori way to determine if it is an Upper or Lower register tone. Although Cheng (1968) and Yip (1989) essentially claim it is a Lower register tone, Chen (1987) and Lin (1994) tacitly assume it is an Upper register tone. I follow Chen and Lin and assume it is an Upper register tone. An LI reviewer points out that in a closely related dialect, Longxi, this tone is transcribed as [14], clearly placing it in the Lower register; however, this tone has an allotone, [25], which is arguably an Upper register tone. Although there is no strong empirical basis for considering [24] an Upper or Lower register tone, the analysis sketched here, if it turns out to be correct, provides theory-internal evidence that it is an Upper register tone. 134 S Q U I B S A N D D I S C U S S I O N counters this claim on two fronts. Applying sandhi to the nonce words presented to speakers in the Hsieh 1970 study would result in an actual word in the language under consideration, so Hsieh (2005) argues that speakers may be reluctant to apply sandhi to a nonce word if it results in a real word. Wang controls for this by employing phonotactically impossible (but tonotactically possible) words, which can never result in a real word upon applying sandhi. Again, subjects do not reliably execute sandhi. Hsieh (2005) argues that since there is no set of candidates to compare such nonce words with, the tone sandhi cannot be computed. However, since phonological processes do seem to be active in nonce words in many of the world’s languages (Berko’s (1958) famous wug test, for example), one is hesitant to adopt an argument that would deny outright the applicability of phonological processes to nonce words. I believe a more important problem with this approach is that test subjects are being asked to execute phonological processes on phonotactically impossible words. Thus, from the arguments presented above, I conclude that results from Wang 1995 may be inconclusive. It should be noted that the current approach evaluates contrasts between possible but not necessarily existing words of the language. Theory-internal arguments against phonological explanations of the Xiamen tone circle rely on the inadmissibility of circular chain shifts in classical OT. Circular chain shifts are difficult to capture under a classical OT approach (in the sense of Prince and Smolensky 1993, 2004). Indeed, it has been argued that circular chain shifts are categorically ruled out in this framework (∏ubowicz 2003, Moreton 2004). Moreton argues that only markedness can cause a change in a representation. Thus, circular chain shifts in which A changes to B and B changes to A are problematic. The first change (A N B) is possible only if A is more marked than B, and the second change (B N A) is possible only if B is more marked than A, resulting in a contradiction. Circular chain shifts, it would appear, are not possible in any version of OT in which faithfulness and markedness constraints are the only violable constraints (as in classical OT as illustrated here). It is not clear, however, that faithfulness and markedness are the only types of constraints available to Universal Grammar. As mentioned above, Alderete (2001) has argued for the existence of antifaithfulness constraints. In the current approach, I exploit a family of contrast preservation constraints proposed by ∏ubowicz (2003). Thus, once one admits the possibility of expanding classical OT beyond the standard repertoire of faithfulness and markedness constraints, several avenues 4 Perhaps what is needed is a set of phonotactically nonce words, whose sandhi forms are also nonce forms. This would most closely mirror the original wug test, as both wug and wugs are nonce forms. 5 Kirchner (1996) notes that chain shifts in general are difficult to capture under an OT framework. He proposes a solution to a vowel chain shift found in Nzbi, which makes use of local conjunction and distantial faithfulness. He admits, however, that such an approach cannot be carried over to the Xiamen tone circle. S Q U I B S A N D D I S C U S S I O N 135 become available for a phonological explanation of tone circles. Specifically, I argue here that PRESERVECONTRAST constraints coupled with markedness can account for tone circles that involve neutralization. Finally, from a typological perspective, Moreton (2004:159) asserts that tone circles are peculiar to this closely related set of dialects, suggesting that the extreme rarity of tone circles is evidence that they are not a phonological reality. Furthermore, on the basis of its similarity to the tone circle in the very closely related language Longxi, Chen (2000:42–45) suggests that the Xiamen tone circle is a historical accident. He observes that the tone circles of both Xiamen and Longxi are identical in terms of Middle Chinese tone categories, from which he concludes that the pattern found in modern Xiamen is not phonological, but the result of historical accident. Mortensen (2002), however, describes tone circles in two other languages, Jingpho and A-Hmong, which are not related to the Min dialect family, and were never in contact with the languages in that family. The existence of tone circles in languages unrelated to Xiamen strongly suggests that circular chain shifts are not a historical accident but a phonological reality. In this section, I have refuted many of the arguments against the position that tone circles are phonological. Classical OT does not permit circular shifts of any kind, and the contrast preservation account does not allow circular shifts that do not exhibit any kind of neutralization. The Xiamen tone circle, however, does show some neutralization: namely, the rising tone /24/ is absent from the set of sandhi tones. I exploit this fact and argue that the tone circle is kick-started by a highranked markedness constraint militating against rising tones. In the next section, I outline how the Xiamen tone circle can be thought of as an optimal solution to contrast preservation. 3 A Contrast Preservation Approach to Xiamen Tones ∏ubowicz (2003) proposes a family of contrast preservation constraints. Descriptively, she proposes that when a contrast is destroyed by a neutralization process, there is a tendency for it to be replaced by a different contrast. I propose that tone circles arise as a result of preserving contrast among tonal features and markedness. ∏ubowicz splits Eval into two stages. Stage I consists of two families of constraints, PRESERVECONTRAST and tokenized markedness; stage II consists of generalized faithfulness constraints. Furthermore, candidates do not consist of individual tokens, but of scenarios that illustrate transformation patterns. Briefly, a scenario is a minigrammar that shows mappings among phonological representations in an ‘‘all at once’’ fashion. Alternative scenarios show different configurations of the phonological representations and how they are connected. Sce6 Thanks to an LI reviewer for pointing out Chen’s discussion. 136 S Q U I B S A N D D I S C U S S I O N narios are shown in the tableaux later in this section and in example (6). (See ∏ubowicz 2003 for more details.) 3.1 PRESERVECONTRAST Constraints PRESERVECONTRAST output (PCOUT) constraints count one violation for every output that fails to maintain a contrast for a given feature. The scenario for Xiamen tones, shown in (6), incurs one violation for the pitch feature. The tone [L, h] incurs one violation for PCOUT(Pitch) because there is a loss in contrast in the pitch feature from the two input tones. Note, however, that the constraint PCOUT(Register) is not violated by this scenario. The two input tones to [L, h] do not contrast for the register feature. Since [L, h] is the only tone with more than one input, this is the only place in the scenario where violations of this type of constraint can be found.

Tone Circles and Contrast Preservation

This thesis is concerned with how syntactic structures are mapped into a linear order. As a starting point, I consider the initial merger of two heads, a and b, which forms the unordered set {?, {a, b}}, where ? is the label of the set. The two heads, a and b c-command each other, in violation of Kayne’s Linear Correspondence Axiom. Adopting Moro’s Dynamic Antisymmetry, I propose that the non-projecting head moves to the specifier of the projecting head to eliminate symmetric c-command and establish linear order. This process triggers successive compl-to-spec movement until a phonologically empty head is merged into the derivation. Since phonologically empty elements do not need to be linearized, compl-to-spec movement is not required to break symmetric c-command. This process is the theoretical kernel of this thesis – that phrase structure is sensitive to the needs of PF, namely, the need to attain linear order, and that phrase structure is manipulated early in the derivation to achieve linear order. Empirically, this thesis is concerned with noun incorporation principally in Oneida (Iroquoian), but other languages are considered. It recognizes the robust cross-linguistic generalization for noun incorporation constructions to form N+V sequences, while non-incorporated constructions exhibit V+DP sequences (SOV languages aside, whose word order properties reduce to factors extraneous to those considered here). This thesis puts forth the proposal that noun incorporation arises by the need for grammar to be able to linearize the derivation. Thus, when a verb merges with a bare noun the {V, N} set is symmetric, thus non-linearizable. This symmetry forces compl-to-spec raising, giving rise to the observed N + V order. When the verb merges with a full DP, the verb asymmetrically c-commands material inside the DP, thus no compl-to-spec movement is required here. The empirical kernel of this thesis then is a Dynamic Antisymmetric treatment of the syntax of noun incorporation in which the cross-linguistically robust N + V sequence falls out as a consequence of the attempt on the part of phrase structure to achieve linearity.

/pdf/dynamic-antisymmetry-and-the-syntax-of-noun-incorporation-1mjkt0s5z2.pdf

Michael Barrie

Papers

The Routledge Handbook of North American Languages

Clitic placement in European Portuguese

Noun incorporation and phrasal movement

Tone Circles and Contrast Preservation

Dynamic Antisymmetry and the Syntax of Noun Incorporation