The past few years have witnessed an explosion of interest in neighborhood or area effects on health. Several types of empiric studies have been used to examine possible area or neighborhood effects, including ecologic studies relating area characteristics to morbidity and mortality rates, contextual and multilevel analyses relating area socioeconomic context to health outcomes, and studies comparing small numbers of well-defined neighborhoods. Strengthening inferences regarding the presence and magnitude of neighborhood effects will require addressing a series of conceptual and methodological issues. Many of these issues relate to the need to develop theory and specific hypotheses on the processes through which neighborhood and individual factors may jointly influence specific health outcomes. Important challenges include defining neighborhoods or relevant geographic areas, identifying significant area or neighborhood characteristics, specifying the role of individual-level variables, incorporating life-course and longitudinal dimensions, combining a variety of research designs, and avoiding reductionism in the way in which "neighborhood" factors are incorporated into models of disease causation and quantitative analyses.analyses.

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Investigating Neighborhood and Area Effects on Health

This article reviews the concept of policy entrepreneurship and its use in explaining policy change. Although the activities of policy entrepreneurs have received close attention in several studies, the concept of policy entrepreneurship is yet to be broadly integrated within analyses of policy change. To facilitate more integration of the concept, we here show how policy entrepreneurship can be understood within more encompassing theorizations of policy change: incrementalism, policy streams, institutionalism, punctuated equilibrium, and advocacy coalitions. Recent applications of policy entrepreneurship as a key explanation of policy change are presented as models for future work. Room exists for further conceptual development and empirical testing concerning policy entrepreneurship. Such work could be undertaken in studies of contemporary and historical policy change. Scholars of public policy often seek to explain how particular policy ideas catch on. The dynamics of policy change have been theorized and explored empirically from a range of perspectives during the past few decades. In these investigations, the role played by specific advocates of policy change has been frequently noted. Highly motivated individuals or small teams can do much to draw attention to policy problems, present innovative policy solutions, build coalitions of supporters, and secure legislative action. Of course, no political activity or policy initiative can go anywhere without many actors getting involved. The question then arises: By what means can advocates of policy change come to have broad influence? Several policy scholars have argued that such advocates achieve success because they exhibit a high degree of entrepreneurial flare. According to this line of argument, by closely observing the practices of advocates of policy change, we can come to appreciate how they perform a function in the policy process equivalent to entrepreneurs in the business context. Following an emerging convention, we here define such advocates of policy change as policy entrepreneurs. This article foregrounds policy entrepreneurship as an explanation of policy change. While the activities of policy entrepreneurs have received close attention in several studies (Crowley, 2003; Kingdon, 1984/1995; Mintrom, 2000; Roberts & King, 1991; Weissert, 1991), the concept of policy entrepreneurship is yet to be broadly integrated within studies of policy change. We contend that new applica

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Policy Entrepreneurship and Policy Change

A cross-sectional, community-based survey of a random sample of 1750 of 242,311 Medicare recipients was performed. The patients were at least sixty-five years old and had had a primary or revision knee replacement (either unilaterally or bilaterally) between 1985 and 1989. Three samples were surveyed separately: a national sample (to reflect the United States as a whole) and samples from Indiana and the western part of Pennsylvania (sites chosen for convenience to assess the validity of the findings for the national sample on a regional level). Each sample was stratified by race, age, residence (urban or rural), and the year of the procedure. Valid and reliable questionnaires were used to elicit the participants' assessments of pain, physical function, and satisfaction two to seven years after the knee replacement. Of the 1486 patients who were eligible for inclusion in the survey, 1193 (80.3 per cent) responded. The mean age of the respondents was 72.6 years. Eight hundred and forty-nine respondents (71.2 per cent) were white, and 849 (71.2 per cent) were women. The participants reported that they had little or no pain in the knee at the time of the survey, regardless of the age at the time of the knee replacement, the body-mass index, or the length of time since the knee replacement. After adjustment for potential confounding variables, predictors of better physical function after the replacement were an absence of problems with the contralateral knee, primary knee replacement (rather than revision) (Indiana sample only), and a lower body-mass index (Indiana and western Pennsylvania samples). Four hundred and fifteen (85.2 per cent) of the 487 patients in the national sample were satisfied with the result of the knee replacement. In what we believe to be the first community-based study of the outcome of knee replacement, patients reported having significant (p = 0.0001) and persistent relief of pain, improved physical function, and satisfaction with the result two to seven years postoperatively. The findings of the present study suggest that age and obesity do not have a negative impact on patient-relevant outcomes (pain and physical function). Dissemination of these findings has the potential to increase appropriate referrals for knee replacement and thereby reduce the pain and functional disability due to osteoarthrosis of the knee.

Health-Related Quality of Life after Knee Replacement. Results of the Knee Replacement Patient Outcomes Research Team Study*

The authors assessed the relationship between having a regular doctor and access to care, as measured by a set of preventive and primary care utilization indicators recommended by the Institute of Medicine. The 1987 National Medical Expenditure Survey was used in the analyses (n = 30,012). The results of the regression analyses suggest that individuals with any type of regular source of care had better access than those without a regular source of care. Persons with a regular doctor had better access to primary care than those with a regular site but no regular doctor. However, the apparent advantage of having a regular doctor over a regular site disappeared when only those individuals reporting a physician's office, clinic, or health maintenance organization as their regular source of care were compared. These results suggest that policies that promote the doctor-patient relationship will increase access, although the gains may be negligible for individuals who use mainstream primary care sites (physician's office, clinic, or health maintenance organization) versus sites such as walk-in clinics or emergency rooms.

The Effects of Having a Regular Doctor on Access to Primary Care

US and UK data show that much of the variation in use of healthcare is accounted for by the willingness and ability of doctors to offer treatment rather than differences in illness or patient preference. Identifying and reducing such variation should be a priority for health providers, says John Wennberg

Time to tackle unwarranted variations in practice.

Variations in health service use rates by geographic area have long interested researchers and policymakers. Typically, investigators comparing population-based health care utilization rates among geographic areas have demonstrated substantial variations in use among seemingly similar communities. One method of investigation is "small area analysis." Numerous areas in North America have been studied extensively using this technique. This research has attempted to document the amount of variation found in health care use rates among areas; determine whether or not there is a pattern to such use in high- versus low-use areas; and identify the variables that are associated with the variation and explain a portion of the variation. Beyond this, many researchers have attempted to ascertain whether such variables are associated with characteristics of the population, whether they reflect differences in access and need, or whether a substantial portion of the variation is associated with differences in the medical care system itself. This review discusses the methods used to define the areas, the dependent variables that have been studied and the patterns found within them, the independent variables that have been tested, the statistical methods and analysis procedures used, the results of each study, and the policy recommendations emanating from the research. More importantly, based on what has been learned, the paper provides researchers in small area analysis with a set of recommendations for both analyzing and reporting results. These recommendations are designed to facilitate the development of a common research methodology, increase the comparability across studies, and enhance the use of this technique in the health policy formulation process.

Small area analysis: a review and analysis of the North American literature.

States are often touted as "laboratories" for developing national solutions to social problems. In this article we examine the appropriateness of this metaphor for comprehensive health care reform and attempt to draw lessons about policy innovation from recent state actions. We present evidence from six states that enacted major pieces of health care legislation in the late 1980s or early 1990s: Massachusetts, Oregon, Florida, Minnesota, Vermont, and Washington State. The variation in design casts doubt on the proposition that states can invent plans and programs for other states and the federal government to adopt for themselves. Instead, we argue that it is more accurate to think of states as specialized political markets in which individuals and groups develop and promote innovative products. We examine the factors that might create receptive markets for comprehensive health care reforms and conclude that the critical factor these states shared in common was skilled and committed leadership from "policy entrepreneurs" who formulated the plans for system reform and prominent "investors" who contributed substantial political capital to the development of the reforms. We illustrate different strategies that leaders in these states used to carry out the entrepreneurial tasks of identifying a market opportunity, designing an innovation, attracting political investment, marketing the innovation, and monitoring its early production.

Translating ideas into actions: entrepreneurial leadership in state health care reforms.

During the past decade, an area of major policy activity among the states has been that of health care reform. As of May 1993, seven states--Florida, Hawaii, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Oregon, Vermont, and Washington--had progressed the furthest in enacting comprehensive statutes designed to expand health insurance coverage and slow the growth of health care costs. This article reviews the activities of these states to achieve health care reform and the lessons learned from those activities. The analysis focuses specifically on identifying the common problems addressed and determining the common factors that maximized states' opportunities for success. In all, some nine lessons are identified that have relevance for other states wishing to follow a similar road to reform. Most important among these are a "window of opportunity" for policy action, having entrepreneurial leadership to push the reform agenda forward, and support from key stakeholder interests. If these conditions of opportunity, policy entrepreneurship, and stakeholder commitment are met, a state can move forward in addressing key aspects of its health care reform agenda.

The states and health care reform: the road traveled and lessons learned from seven that took the lead.

A variety of programs aimed at health care cost containment have been initiated at the state level. This article presents a case study of one state's effort to deal with health care cost issues, focusing on the formulation of adoption of legislation to reduce the number of hospital beds. The Michigan bed-reduction legislation was the creature of a coalition of powerful, organized "professional consumers" of health services who placed hospital cost containment on the political agenda and framed a solution. The provisions of the legislation were reshaped during the legislative process to grant concessions to a variety of interest groups, particularly the Michigan Hospital Association. Many additional criteria for determining excess bed capacity, some subjective, were added. Cost containment as a goal was, if not subordinated, at least made competitive with other goals--access to care, equity among types of providers, and quality of services. While the initial proposal was attractive as a seemingly simple extension of the certificate-of-need process within the existing regulatory framework, the legislation became increasingly complex in response to new issues raised by political actors who contributed to the shaping of the final version of the legislation. The formulation and adoption of Michigan's overbedding legislation appears to underscore what many other observers have noted: there are no purely technical solutions to health policy problems.

Legislating hospital bed reduction: the Michigan experience.

This paper traces the implementation of Michigan's program for hospital bed reduction through four phases in the critical first 30 months following enactment: standard-setting, plan development, plan approval, and legislative oversight. Procedural complexity and goal conflict complicated implementation from the start: what began as a simple proposal to close unneeded beds soon became enmeshed in efforts to address long-standing issues of equity in access to care. A combination of administrative, political, and economic factors peculiar to Michigan, as well as the more generic problems incurred in applying a regulatory approach to containing medical care costs, contributed to the difficulties encountered in implementing bed reduction. Long-range prospects for the program depend upon whether the modest results it is likely to achieve are deemed to be worth the costs incurred in administering it.

Pamela Paul-Shaheen

Papers

Small area analysis: a review and analysis of the North American literature.

Translating ideas into actions: entrepreneurial leadership in state health care reforms.

The states and health care reform: the road traveled and lessons learned from seven that took the lead.

Legislating hospital bed reduction: the Michigan experience.

Implementing Regulatory Reform: The Saga of Michigan's Debedding Experiment