In Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson, henceforth AJR, (2001), we advanced the hypothesis that the mortality rates faced by Europeans in different parts of the world after 1500 affected their willingness to establish settlements and choice of colonization strategy. Places that were relatively healthy (for Europeans) were—when they fell under European control—more likely to receive better economic and political institutions. In contrast, places where European settlers were less likely to go were more likely to have “extractive” institutions imposed. We also posited that this early pattern of institutions has persisted over time and influences the extent and nature of institutions in the modern world. On this basis, we proposed using estimates of potential European settler mortality as an instrument for institutional variation in former European colonies today. Data on settlers themselves are unfortunately patchy—particularly because not many went to places they believed, with good reason, to be most unhealthy. We therefore followed the lead of Curtin (1989 and 1998) who compiled data on the death rates faced by European soldiers in various overseas postings. 1 Curtin’s data were based on pathbreaking data collection and statistical work initiated by the British military in the mid-nineteenth century. These data became part of the foundation of both contemporary thinking about public health (for soldiers and for civilians) and the life insurance industry (as actuaries and executives considered the

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The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation

In this exploratory article, we ask how states come to be understood as entities with particular spatial characteristics, and how changing relations between practices of government and national territories may be challenging long-established modes of state spatiality. In the first part of this article, we seek to identify two principles that are key to state spatialization: vertically (thestate is "above"society) andencompassm ent (thestate "encompasses" its localities). We use ethnographic evidence from a maternal health project in India to illustrate our argument that perceptions of verticality and encompassment are produced through routine bureaucratic practices. In the second part, we develop a concept of transnational governmentality as a way of grasping how new practices of government and new forms of "grassroots" politics may call into question the principles of vertical ity and encompassment that have long helped to legitimate and naturalize states' authority over "the local." [states, space, governmentality, globalization, neoliberalism, India, Africa] Recent years have seen a new level of anthropological concern with the modern

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Spatializing States: Toward an Ethnography of Neoliberal Governmentality

Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the legacy of late colonialism

https://blogs.ubc.ca/lebillon/files/2015/01/ecowar.pdf

The political ecology of war: natural resources and armed conflicts

1. Introduction: institutions and ethnic politics Part I. Accounting for the Ethnic Cleavage Structure: 2. Accounting for Zambia's ethnic cleavage structure I: the emergence of tribal identities in colonial Northern Rhodesia 3. Accounting for Zambia's ethnic cleavage structure II: the emergence of language identities in colonial Northern Rhodesia Part II. Accounting for Ethnic Coalition-Building Choices: 4. Ethnicity and ethnic politics in post-independence Zambia 5. Explaining changing patterns of ethnic politics Part III. Testing the Model: 6. Competing explanations 7. Ethnic campaigning: testing the observable implications of the model for elite behavior 8. Ethnic voting: testing the observable implications of the model for mass behavior Part IV. Beyond Zambia: 9. Regime change and ethnic politics in Africa 10. Beyond regime change, beyond Africa Appendix A. Native authorities and tribal identifications Appendix B. Survey and focus group methodologies Appendix C. Tribal affiliations of parliamentary candidates Appendix D. Tribal demographies of electoral constituencies.

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Institutions and Ethnic Politics in Africa

Introduction - transitions and continuities - the question of analysis. Part 1 The informalization of politics: whither the state? the illusions of civil society recycled elites. Part 2 The re-traditionalization of society: of masks and men - the question of identity the use and abuse of the irrational - witchcraft and religion warlords bosses and thugs - the profits of violence. Part 3 The productivity of economic "failure": the moral economy of corruption the bounties of dependence what if Africa refused to develop?. Conclusion - a new paradigm - the political instrumentalization of disorder.

Africa Works: Disorder as Political Instrument

Introduction - transitions and continuities - the question of analysis. Part 1 The informalization of politics: whither the state? the illusions of civil society recycled elites. Part 2 The re-traditionalization of society: of masks and men - the question of identity the use and abuse of the irrational - witchcraft and religion warlords bosses and thugs - the profits of violence. Part 3 The productivity of economic \"failure\": the moral economy of corruption the bounties of dependence what if Africa refused to develop?. Conclusion - a new paradigm - the political instrumentalization of disorder.

The question usually asked about Africa is: 'why is it going wrong?' Is the continent still suffering from the ravages of colonialism? Or is it the victim of postcolonial economic exploitation, poor governance and lack of aid? Whatever the answer, increasingly the result is poverty and violence In Africa: the Politics of Suffering and Smiling Patrick Chabal approaches this question differently by reconsidering the role of theory in African politics Chabal discusses the limitations of existing political theories of Africa and proposes a different starting point; arguing that political thinking ought to be driven by the need to address the immediacy of everyday life and death How do people define who they are? Where do they belong? What do they believe? How do they struggle to survive and improve their lives? What is the impact of illness and poverty? In doing so, Chabal proposes a radically different way of looking at politics in Africa and illuminates the ways ordinary people 'suffer and smile'

Africa: The Politics of Suffering and Smiling

The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) states that democracy and good governance are preconditions for development. Given the fact that Black Africa is currently suffering widespread economic crisis and political disorder, how probable is it that electoral politics as it has been instituted over the last decade will lead to good government—which all, inside and outside Africa, now claim is the basis for sustainable economic growth?

On the face of it, the argument is simple: democracy should reduce the scope for conflict and make good government more likely. In turn, good government should bring about the political stability, the institutional consolidation and the operation of the rule of law that are universally seen as the necessary framework for investment. Greater investment should facilitate economic growth. Growth provides the foundations for development.

This article investigates the extent to which the political changes that have occurred in the last decade have made the possibility of good government and development more likely in Africa. It offers an analysis of why it is that the nature of politics in Africa today makes good government difficult and reconsiders the changes that have taken place in the exercise of power over the recent past.

Patrick Chabal

Papers

Africa Works: Disorder as Political Instrument

Africa Works: Disorder as Political Instrument

Africa Works: Disorder as Political Instrument

Africa: The Politics of Suffering and Smiling

The quest for good government and development in Africa: is NEPAD the answer?