Imagined communities: Reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism

MC 281 is the second in the required sophomore sequence for Social Relations and Policy. In this course, we will explore the interactions and experiences between and among various groups in American history. We will consider how Americans both defended and contested prevailing definitions of fitness for citizenship and inclusion in the political process and American life, and how groups sought to gain access to social and political equality. This course focuses on the history of relationships within and between different groups in the United States, and explores the complexities of those relations. Rarely centered solely on race or ethnicity, such interactions were also affected by gender, sexuality, religion, nation, and class. We will also explore the shifting definitions of race and ethnicity. Students will analyze not only the experiences of the different groups, but also the connections between them to assess the larger dynamics and their implications for public policy.

Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race

Manliness and civilization: A cultural history of gender and race in the United States, 1880–1917

Contagious Divides: Epidemics and Race in San Francisco's Chinatown

Virtually every academic in the United States, not to mention the reading public, knows too little about Iran (the fact that this is even truer for Iraq explains part of the reasons for that catastrophe). And I would recommend this book to every academic in the United States, especially in the social sciences and humanities. As someone who has undertaken a 500-year history of social change in Iran, who sees social movements through the prism of race, class, and gender, it was eye-opening to encounter so much that I did not know about the country. ‘‘Sexual politics’’ refers in this book to at least three things: (1) the struggle for women’s equality with men, (2) the struggle for gay and lesbian rights, and (3) the relationship of gender to social movements, cultural freedoms, and, in the case of Iran, revolutions. Janet Afary’s accomplishment is to document painstakingly the complexity of sexual politics across 200 years of Iranian history, and to present us with a new take on its surprising, and mixed, record. The author ultimately makes the case that sexual politics is intimately (as it were) connected to politics tout court. She goes far beyond the existing literature (some of it very good indeed) on ‘‘gender and Iran,’’ which has focused till now predominantly on women and almost exclusively on heterosexual matters. As befits a superb historian of Iran—her first book was a history of the 1905–11 Constitutional Revolution—she digs deeply and creatively into the archives for primary materials of all kinds and combs an extensive secondary literature in several languages. As an accomplished theorist who has coauthored with Kevin Anderson a wonderful book, Foucault and the Iranian Revolution: Gender and the Seductions of Islamism, she forges a highly original theoretical and conceptual interpretation of this material at the same time, on a scaffolding that includes Foucault’s ‘‘ethics of love;’’ James Scott’s ‘‘hidden transcripts’’; psychoanalytic insights from Freud, Fromm, and Marcuse; and a command of both Western and Third World feminist theory from Simone de Beauvoir to Chandra Mohanty, Deniz Kandiyoti to Minoo Moallem. The book is further graced with 80 valuable illustrations, including seventeenthcentury paintings showing homoerotic scenes, nineteenth-century black-and-white photos and sketches from the shah’s harem and other sites, political cartoons from the Constitutional Revolution of 1905 through the turmoil of the 2000s, images from women’s magazines of the last 40 years, political posters and photographs of women’s participation in the Iranian Revolution and after, and portraits of many of the key players on all sides of sexual politics in Iran. The 16-page introduction, which presents the issues and previews the main characteristics of the last two centuries, is alone worth the price of the book. Although the book’s title tells us that it is a study of sexual politics in modern Iran, we are treated in Part One to 100 pages of deep background on ‘‘Premodern Practices,’’ which sensibly provide a baseline for the developments of the past century. These pages focus on nineteenthcentury patterns, meanings, and practices around marriage (including love and divorce), sexuality, law, religion, and resistance in its many guises. A turning point occurs during the authoritarian modernizing reign of Reza Shah, who seized power in a 1921 coup abetted by the British, had himself crowned king in 1925, and thereby started the Pahlavi dynasty. This would consist of himself until 1941, and his son, Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlavi (known to us simply as ‘‘the Shah’’) who would be deposed and see the monarchy itself abolished in the course of the 1978–89 revolution. In these chapters, Afary continues to cover all the topics above, and begins to document the changes in gender relations and social and cultural norms as Iran moved

Manifest Destinies: The Making of the Mexican American Race

Author(s): Sanchez, Sabrina | Advisor(s): Haas, Lisbeth | Abstract: Marginalized husbands, fathers, and sons on dramatically different positions within territorial New Mexico's social, racial, and class hierarchies constructed and performed the identity of young, able-bodied, industrious "A-1 good men" when demanding entitlements from governors, penitentiary wardens, chiefs of the Mounted Police Force, and Bureau of Immigration officials in a fledgling territory that desperately coveted statehood. Not a Hispano identity, an Anglo identity, or an affluent one, this gendered identity embodied a representation of the man territorial authorities defined as the ideal New Mexican, an image deemed necessary to merit and achieve equal inclusion in the United States.I argue that New Mexico's underfunded institutions of the Territorial Penitentiary, Mounted Police Force, Bureau of Immigration, and territorial courts--institutions designed to facilitate New Mexico's transition from a demeaned site of Spanish, Mexican, and indigenous Pueblo authority to a celebrated site of U.S., Anglo, and federal authority--enabled this gendered representation to flourish. This dissertation interrogates how and why territorial institutions differentially recognized those with whom they interacted, directly or tangentially, including immigrant miners, an incarcerated pregnant African American teenager and her veteran father, an elderly Anglo female murder victim, imprisoned Hispano husbands, Hispana business owners in need of police protection, and young Anglo "cowmen" seeking employment. New Mexico's status as a peripheral participant in the nation propelled a milieu of unbelonging and rigorous racialization. Scrutinizing demands for entitlements found in the correspondence, advertisements, and judicial proceedings of territorial institutions illuminates a gendered rhetorical pattern that determined whose labor would be considered most valuable, whose testimony would be granted the most consideration in court, whose family would merit wages from territorial employment, and whose presence would be most welcome outside of the penitentiary. New Mexico's territorial institutions are spaces where the enmeshment of race, gender, working-class masculinity, and political disenfranchisement is highly visible. These institutions did not evaluate gendered claims of entitlement equally. How women--whether Hispana, Anglo, African American, immigrant, native-born, young, elderly, domestic worker, or business owner--negotiated this space in political transition challenges the ubiquitous performances of masculinity harnessed to obtain privileges from territorial institutions.

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Sabrina Sanchez

Papers

In The Name Of The Father, The Governor, And "A-1 Good Men": Performing Gender and Statehood In Territorial New Mexico, 1880 - 1912