This article explores the possibility that romantic love is an attachment process--a biosocial process by which affectional bonds are formed between adult lovers, just as affectional bonds are formed earlier in life between human infants and their parents. Key components of attachment theory, developed by Bowlby, Ainsworth, and others to explain the development of affectional bonds in infancy, were translated into terms appropriate to adult romantic love. The translation centered on the three major styles of attachment in infancy--secure, avoidant, and anxious/ambivalent--and on the notion that continuity of relationship style is due in part to mental models (Bowlby's "inner working models") of self and social life. These models, and hence a person's attachment style, are seen as determined in part by childhood relationships with parents. Two questionnaire studies indicated that relative prevalence of the three attachment styles is roughly the same in adulthood as in infancy, the three kinds of adults differ predictably in the way they experience romantic love, and attachment style is related in theoretically meaningful ways to mental models of self and social relationships and to relationship experiences with parents. Implications for theories of romantic love are discussed, as are measurement problems and other issues related to future tests of the attachment perspective.

/pdf/romantic-love-conceptualized-as-an-attachment-process-1v0qssoz83.pdf

Romantic Love Conceptualized as an Attachment Process

A new 4-group model of attachment styles in adulthood is proposed. Four prototypic attachment patterns are defined using combinations of a person's self-image (positive or negative) and image of others (positive or negative). In Study 1, an interview was developed to yield continuous and categorical ratings of the 4 attachment styles. Intercorrelations of the attachment ratings were consistent with the proposed model. Attachment ratings were validated by self-report measures of self-concept and interpersonal functioning. Each style was associated with a distinct profile of interpersonal problems, according to both self- and friend-reports. In Study 2, attachment styles within the family of origin and with peers were assessed independently. Results of Study 1 were replicated. The proposed model was shown to be applicable to representations of family relations; Ss' attachment styles with peers were correlated with family attachment ratings.

https://psycnet.apa.org/journals/psp/61/2/226.pdf

Attachment styles among young adults: a test of a four-category model

What good is self-control? We incorporated a new measure of individual differences in self-control into two large investigations of a broad spectrum of behaviors. The new scale showed good internal consistency and retest reliability. Higher scores on self-control correlated with a higher grade point average, better adjustment (fewer reports of psychopathology, higher self-esteem), less binge eating and alcohol abuse, better relationships and interpersonal skills, secure attachment, and more optimal emotional responses. Tests for curvilinearity failed to indicate any drawbacks of so-called overcontrol, and the positive effects remained after controlling for social desirability. Low self-control is thus a significant risk factor for a broad range of personal and interpersonal problems.

/pdf/high-self-control-predicts-good-adjustment-less-pathology-19qckrshli.pdf

High self-control predicts good adjustment, less pathology, better grades, and interpersonal success.

In this chapter, we undertake to present the ecological model of human development that has been introduced in a prior edition of this Handbook. The bioecological model is an evolving theoretical system for the scientific study of human development over time. The model presented in this chapter represents major theoretical innovations from the 1983 chapter in both form and content. The new model is not a paradigm shift, but rather represents a transition from a focus on the environment to a focus on proximal processes as engines of development. We begin with the defining properties of the model, which involves four principal components (process, person, context, and time), and the dynamic, interactive relationships among them. We then turn to the research designs required for testing the model. In doing so, we not only present the next stage in the evolution of an ecological theory of human development, but we also document the requirements for conducting developmental research in the discovery mode. We conclude with a look to the future—and what the bioecological model means for the future development of our species.


Keywords:

bioecological;
context;
macrosystem;
microsystem;
person;
proximal processes;
time

The Bioecological Model of Human Development

We propose that the crucial difference between human cognition and that of other species is the ability to participate with others in collaborative activities with shared goals and intentions: shared intentionality. Participation in such activities requires not only especially powerful forms of intention reading and cultural learning, but also a unique motivation to share psychological states with oth- ers and unique forms of cognitive representation for doing so. The result of participating in these activities is species-unique forms of cultural cognition and evolution, enabling everything from the creation and use of linguistic symbols to the construction of social norms and individual beliefs to the establishment of social institutions. In support of this proposal we argue and present evidence that great apes (and some children with autism) understand the basics of intentional action, but they still do not participate in activities involving joint intentions and attention (shared intentionality). Human children's skills of shared intentionality develop gradually during the first 14 months of life as two ontogenetic pathways intertwine: (1) the general ape line of understanding others as animate, goal-directed, and intentional agents; and (2) a species-unique motivation to share emotions, experience, and activities with other persons. The develop- mental outcome is children's ability to construct dialogic cognitive representations, which enable them to participate in earnest in the collectivity that is human cognition.

/pdf/understanding-and-sharing-intentions-the-origins-of-cultural-4ndpnm3ov3.pdf

Understanding and sharing intentions: The origins of cultural cognition

Part I: Introduction 1. Theoretical Background Part II: Method 2. Procedures 3. Measures and Methods of Assessment Part III: Results 4. Descriptive Account of Behavior in Each Episode 5. Normative Trends across Episodes 6. An Examination of the Classificatory System: A Multiple Discriminate Function Analysis 7. Relationships between Infant Behavior in the Strange Situation and at Home 8. Relationships between Infant Behavior in the Strange Situation and Maternal Behavior at Home 9. A Review of Strange-Situation Studies of One-Year-Olds 10. A Review of Strange-Situation Studies of Two- to Four-Year-Olds 11. The Effects of Repetition of the Strange Situation 12. Subgroups and Their Usefulness Part IV: Discussion 13. Discussion of Normative Issues 14. Individual Differences: In Light of Contrasting Paradigms 15. An Interpretation of Individual Differences Appendix I: Instructions to Mother Appendix II: Instructions for Coding and Tabulating Frequency of Behaviors Appendix III: Scoring System for Interactive Behaviors Appendix IV: Maternal Caregiving and Interaction Scales Appendix V: Secure Base Behavior At Home Appendix VI: Supplementary Statistical Findings

Sally N. Wall

Papers

Patterns of Attachment: A Psychological Study of the Strange Situation

Normative Trends Across Episodes

Review of StrangeSituation Studies of Two to FourYearOlds

Sally N. Wall

Papers

Patterns of Attachment: A Psychological Study of the Strange Situation

Normative Trends Across Episodes

Review of Strange­Situation Studies of Two­ to Four­Year­Olds

Review of StrangeSituation Studies of Two to FourYearOlds