The authors investigate the coevolution of organizations and institu‐tions—they study how institutional definitions, rules, and expectations unfold in tandem with the organizational structures and processes that embody those institutions. The research site is the early thrift industry. Changes in thrifts' technical environment (the rise of a transient and heterogeneous population) and institutional environment (the rise of Progressivism) propelled this coevolutionary process. The coevolution of thrift organizations and institutions proceeded primarily through selection. Adaptation was constrained by both institutional factors (it was difficult to adopt a novel institutional logic) and technical factors (early thrifts were generally small, so entry and exit were easy).

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/10.1086/231128.pdf

Structuring a theory of moral sentiments : Institutional and organizational coevolution in the early thrift industry

THE PROPERTY OF THE NATION”: DEMOCRACY AND THE MEMORY OF GEORGE WASHINGTON, 1799-1865 Matthew R. Costello, B.A., M.A. Marquette University, 2016 This dissertation explores how Americans personally experienced George Washington’s legacy in the nineteenth century through visits to his estate and tomb at Mount Vernon. By the 1820s many Americans had conflicting memories of the American Revolution and its most iconic figure, George Washington. As America grew more divided, so too did the memory of Washington. On multiple occasions, government factions and organizations attempted to claim his remains for political reasons. At the same time, Americans and foreign travelers journeyed to Mount Vernon to experience his tomb and forge a deeper personal connection with the man. These visitors collected objects such as sticks, stones, and flowers from his gravesite, mementoes that not only represented their visits but also served as a reminder of a nostalgic American past. African slaves, free blacks, and European gardeners greeted these visitors as the first historical interpreters of Washington history. These individuals not only shared anecdotes but they also wove themselves into the narrative to profit from their affiliation with Washington. The history of Washington’s tomb therefore illuminates the origins of an American celebrity culture, one that elevated Washington in significance and also ultimately transformed him into a democratic figure.

/pdf/the-property-of-the-nation-democracy-and-the-memory-of-3c1qr4a1mj.pdf

"The Property of the Nation": Democracy and the Memory of George Washington, 1799-1865

When historians fight about Progressivism — and fight they do — they are not just arguing about events of a century ago. They are also struggling over the basic meanings of American democracy. If we could face this fact more directly, and begin to come to grips with the stakes involved, we would not only advance the study of the past but, even in some small and indirect ways, we might improve the practice of our current politics as well. Politicians standing at the center of our nation's democratic dramas recognize, even if often without nuance, the value of reclaiming the Progressive Era. Cheerfully blurring historical distinctions, Bill Clinton announced as he left office, “I always felt that the work we did the last eight years made us the heir of Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson.” In turn, Al Gore's communications director saw his candidate's “message more in the tradition of progressives such as Theodore Roosevelt, who confronted powerful trusts, rather than the populists who railed broadly against elites of all stripes.” Several years earlier the vice-president's main Democratic opponent, Bill Bradley, wrote, “I've always admired the progressives, such as Teddy Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, who enabled the private sector to flourish but in a way more responsive to national purpose.”

https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/S1537781400000104

Re-Democratizing the Progressive Era: The Politics of Progressive Era Political Historiography

(2001). Red Scare: FBI and the Origins of Anticommunism in the United States, 1919–1943. History: Reviews of New Books: Vol. 29, No. 3, pp. 105-105.

Red Scare: FBI and the Origins of Anticommunism in the United States, 1919–1943

AUGUSTUS HOPKINS STRONG AND ETHICAL MONISM AS A MEANS OF RECONCILING CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY AND MODERN THOUGHT John Andrew Aloisi, Ph.D. The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, 2012 Chair: Dr. Thomas J. Nettles This dissertation examines the role of ethical monism in the theology of Augustus Hopkins Strong. Chapter 1 discusses some of the reasons for examining Strong’s theology and some of the difficulties entailed in such a study. Chapter 2 surveys the life of Strong up until the time when he returned to Rochester Theological Seminary and assumed the dual role of president and professor of theology in 1872. Special attention is given to factors which affected or pointed toward his later decision to embrace ethical monism. Chapter 3 explores the writings of several German thinkers who seem to have provided some of the philosophical building blocks which Strong used to construct his ethical monism. It also examines the writings of several English-speaking philosophers who emphasized the doctrine of divine immanence and who appear to have pushed Strong’s thinking toward ethical monism. Chapter 4 discusses the various stages in Strong’s decision to adopt ethical monism. It also traces his early incorporation of ethical monism into his larger

Samuel P. Hays

Papers

American Political History as Social Analysis