Social Stratification in Science

Therefore, the seeker after the truth is not one who studies the writings of the ancients and, following his natural disposition, puts his trust in them, but rather the one who suspects his faith in them and questions what he gathers from them, the one who submits to argument and demonstration, and not to the sayings of a human being whose nature is fraught with all kinds of imperfection and de‹ciency. Thus the duty of the man who investigates the writings of scientists, if learning the truth is his goal, is to make himself the enemy of all that he reads, and, applying his mind to the core and margins of its content, attack it from every side. He should also suspect himself as he performs his critical examination of it, so that he may avoid falling into either prejudice or leniency. (Ibn al-Haytham)1

국제정치이론 = Theory of international politics

Prior to the publication of The Sense of Power most studies of the Canadian movement for imperial unity focused on commercial policy and military and naval cooperation. This influential book demonstrated that the movement - which held that Canada could only become a great nation within the British Empire - was significantly influenced by its leading advocates' belief in nationalism. Carl Berger explores the emotional appeal and intellectual context of this belief, arguing that these advocates' support of imperial unity can be grasped only in terms of their commitment to certain conservative values and in relation to their conception of Canada. The Sense of Power was commended by the Toronto Star when it was first published as \"entertaining as well as brilliant,\" and in 2011 Ramsay Cook noted that \"few first books, or for that matter few books, have made as marked an impact on the interpretation of a major theme in Canadian history.\" This second edition brings to life the work's incisive analysis and its important contribution to Canadian intellectual history.

The Sense of Power: Studies in the Ideas of Canadian Imperialism 1867-1914

(1998). Cycles of middle power activism: Constraint and choice in Australian and Canadian foreign policies. Australian Journal of International Affairs: Vol. 52, No. 3, pp. 309-327.

Cycles of middle power activism: Constraint and choice in Australian and Canadian foreign policies

Using a theory of foreign policy based on the concept of national identity, Vucetic shows how English-speaking states have affected global security and prosperity for more than a century. Beginning with an analysis of the "great rapprochement" between the United States and Britain in the early 20th century, Vucetic examines the politics of international security cooperation among Anglosphere nations in Korea, Suez, Vietnam and Iraq.

The "Anglosphere": A Genealogy of an Identity in International Relations

Politique internationale et défense au Canada et au Québec

L’internationalisme constitue, depuis le milieu des annees 1940, le corpus doctrinal le plus important de la politique etrangere canadienne. Ce texte reprend l’hypothese selon laquelle les politiques de securite qui en decoulent visent, en grande partie, a renforcer l’identite internationale du Canada et a se demarquer des Etats-Unis. Les trois etudes de cas presentees ici tendent a etayer cette hypothese, mais de facon mitigee. Le discours internationaliste comporte bien une dimension identitaire, mais cette reference n’est pas clairement exploitee lorsque le gouvernement canadien fait face a de fortes pressions de la part des Etats-Unis.

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L’État postmoderne par excellence ? Internationalisme et promotion de l’identité internationale du Canada

That democratic societies do not fight one another is well documented, but the mechanisms that produce and maintain this situation remain vague. Stephane Roussel argues that Canadian-U.S. security relations provide a case study that allows us to better understand this process. He shows that the structure of Canada-U.S. relations can be explained by the fact that in their mutual relations both governments have applied the norms and rules they use at the domestic level, such as banishing the use of violence and establishing equal representation. This book describes how the democratic-liberal values and norms shared by both states shaped the evolution of Canadian-American practices and institutions in the realm of security from 1867 to the formal creation of NORAD in 1958. It also challenges the common perception of Canada as a satellite of the U.S. and explains why Canadians and Americans take the peace between them for granted.

The North American Democratic Peace: Absence of War and Security Institution-Building in Canada-Us Relations, 1867-1958

Introduction One of the most enshrined notions in Canadian foreign policy is that French-speaking Quebecois have a different attitude toward many issues than other Canadians, resulting in a national division that has come to be known as 'the two solitudes." This attitudinal difference is said to be particularly striking on defense and security policy issues. Historian J. L. Granatstein calls the phenomenon "the pacifist Quebec" (2)--a phenomenon labeled by Jean-Sebastien Rioux as "conventional wisdom." According to this view, Rioux claims, "English and French-Canadians hold differing views on security and defence issues, with French-Canadians being more dovish, isolationist, and antimilitaristic than their Anglo counterparts. This world-view allegedly causes Quebecers to oppose increases in defence spending; to be against military interventions overseas; and to favour using the Canadian Forces (CF) only in humanitarian or peacekeeping roles." (3) In short, Quebecois are more pacifist, isolationist, and/or antimilitarist than their compatriots. Two sets of evidence are generally used in the literature to support that claim. The first is a list of historical events, usually centered on the two world wars, that are used to describe the defiance and the hostility of the French-Canadians toward military institutions and their reluctance to serve in the armed forces. The second is public opinion polls that allegedly show, one after the other, a considerable difference between the two linguistic groups (or, more precisely, between Quebec and other Canadian provinces). Quite aside from any political instrumentalization that one can make of such claims (from outright accusations that the Quebecois are cowards and anti-Canadian, to a proclamation of the distinctiveness of Quebec's society), this difference in attitude is believed to be quite important in Canada's foreign policy decision-making. According to J. L. Granatstein, Quebecois are given a disproportionate influence in this process and are thus "deforming" Canada's foreign policy. This phenomenon is supposed to be at work in such recent events as the decision of the Chretien government not to participate in the "coalition of the willing" against Iraq in March 2003 and Paul Martin's failure to support the U.S. program on missile defense. (4) The thesis that Quebec's stance affects Canada's foreign policy is part of the "conventional wisdom" given that it perceives the opposition to the two above-named U.S. initiatives as an extension of Quebec's hostility either to the creation of a Canadian Navy at the beginning of the 20th century or to the conscription measures during the two world wars. In this article we will offer a different interpretation of the nature of Quebecois views on military issues and question whether the historical record supports the idea that Quebecois are, in fact, "pacifists." In other words, is it true that Quebecois are generally more distrustful or critical than other Canadians toward the use of the armed forces as an instrument of national and international problem-solving? Has this attitude changed over time? Is the conventional wisdom regarding Quebec still accurate to describe that province's contemporary public opinion? Is the critical stance observed in 2003-2004 surrounding the Iraq issue the same as the one observed in 1910, 1917, or 1942? We will try to show that neither of the two main sets of data used to support the claim of the "pacifist Quebec" thesis is as convincing as it seems. If French-Canadians could be labeled as antimilitarist or isolationist (but certainly not "pacifist") until the mid-20th century, things have changed since then. In fact, we argue that French-Canadians have expressed an "internationalist" attitude toward defense and security matters. One of the key problems in the qualification of a society's attitude lies in the definition of the concepts. Such notions as "pacifism,"(5) "antiwar," (6) "antimilitarism," (7) "anti-imperialism,"(7) "isolationism," (8) and "neutralism" (9) are generally left undefined and vague by authors. …

The Myth of the Pacific Society: Quebec's Contemporary Strategic Culture

. This study analyses the French-language scholars' place in Canadian foreign policy. More precisely, it measures and compares their productions in French and in English (output) and the citations to this output (impact) in works by English-language scholars. The output is measured using the Canadian Foreign Relations Index. Then a representative sample of bibliographies taken from books and articles written by English-language scholars and published between 1997 and 2007 is analyzed. Various conclusions on the place of French and French-language scholars in the field are drawn from these data, including their small contribution to Canadian foreign policy and the absence of citations to works in French by English-language scholars. Political implications of the results are discussed.Resume. Cette analyse examine la place des chercheurs francophones dans l'etude de la politique etrangere canadienne. Plus precisement, elle mesure et compare leurs publications en francais et en anglais (la production) et les citations tirees de cette production (l'incidence) que l'on retrouve dans les travaux des chercheurs anglophones. La production est mesuree a l'aide du Canadian Foreign Relations Index. Puis un echantillon representatif de bibliographies de travaux anglophones publies entre 1997 et 2007 est analyse. Ces donnees permettent de tirer diverses conclusions sur la place du francais et des chercheurs francophones dans ce champ d'etude. Il apparait, notamment, que la contribution des francophones au domaine de la politique etrangere canadienne est reduite et que les chercheurs anglophones ne citent pratiquement jamais les travaux en francais. Les auteurs degagent, en conclusion, les consequences politiques de ces resultats.

Stéphane Roussel

Papers

Politique internationale et défense au Canada et au Québec

L’État postmoderne par excellence ? Internationalisme et promotion de l’identité internationale du Canada

The North American Democratic Peace: Absence of War and Security Institution-Building in Canada-Us Relations, 1867-1958

The Myth of the Pacific Society: Quebec's Contemporary Strategic Culture

Canadian Foreign Policy: A Linguistically Divided Field