We develop a theory of movement operations that occur after the syntactic derivation, in the PF component, within the framework of Distributed Morphology.The theory is an extension of what was called Morphological Merger in Marantz 1984 and subsequent work.A primary result is that the locality properties of a Merger operation are determined by the stage in the derivation at which the operation takes place: specifically, Merger that takes place before Vocabulary Insertion, on hierarchical structures, differs from Merger that takes place post—Vocabulary Insertion/linearization.Specific predictions of the model are tested in numerous case studies.Analyses showing the interaction of syntactic movement, PF movement, and rescue operations are provided as well, including a treatment of Englishdo-support.

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Movement Operations after Syntax

Very early parameter setting and the unique checking constraint: A new explanation of the optional infinitive stage

This article examines the distribution and interpretational variability of bare nouns and [classifier+noun] phrases in Cantonese and Mandarin. We argue that bare nouns are never bare in structure and that [classifier+noun] phrases may have more structure than just Classifier Phrase. We show that the lack of articles and number morphology in Cantonese/Mandarin leads to many interesting differences between Chinese-type languages and English-/Italian-type languages.

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Bare and Not-So-Bare Nouns and the Structure of NP

Background and Theoretical Assumptions Functional Structure Constituent Structure Syntactic Correspondences Describing Syntactic Structures Syntactic Relations and Syntactic Constraints Beyond Syntax: Nonsyntactic Structures Argument Structure and Mapping Theory Meaning and Semantic Composition Modification Anaphora Functional and Anaphoric Control Coordination Long-Distance Dependencies Related Research Threads and New Directions Appendix: Proof Rules for Linear Logic Bibliography Author Index Language Index Subject Index

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Lexical Functional Grammar

This thesis studies movement operations in natural languages. It is observed that certain heads – C° , v°, and, in most languages, P° – cannot be stranded; the complements of these heads never move without pied-piping the heads in question. This is surprising since (a) extraction out of CP, vP, and PP is possible in principle and (b) the complement categories of these heads, TP, VP, and DP or PP, are movable. Evidence for the more contentious of these claims is provided in chapters 3 and 4. Chapter 4 also investigates the ramifications of these facts for theories of adposition stranding. All heads in question have independently been argued to project what Chomsky (2000) calls ‘phases’. The generalization is that phase heads cannot be stranded. Chapter 2 derives the ban against stranding phase heads within a derivational model of the grammar. The effect of phases on successive cyclicity is the following: To be licit, movement out of a phase must pass through the specifier position of that phase. The idea of the account is that every step of movement must establish a relation between the moved item and some other element in the phrase marker which is in a well-defined sense closer than the relation they were in prior to movement. Movement from complement to specifier position within the same phrase never achieves this. In fact, any movement within the same phrase is in effect too short to achieve this. There are then well-defined anti-locality effects, which fallout from considerations of local economy. The ban against stranding phase heads now follows. A category can leave its containing phase only by passing through its specifier position. Since complements cannot reach the specifier position in the same phrase, the complements of phase heads cannot move away. Head Movement is prohibited by the same economy based reasoning. Chapter 5 focuses on Head Movement, advocating a version of Brody’s (2000) Mirror Theory. In contrast to standard theories of Head Movement, Mirror Theory predicts what looks like downward Head Movement to be possible. Data from VP-ellipsis in English show that this prediction of Mirror Theory is correct.

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Successive cyclicity, anti-locality, and adposition stranding

This is the first linguistic study written within the Principles and Parameters framework to deal with the Slavic languages. Franks develops parametric solutions to related constructions among those languages. The book can serve both as an introduction to Government and Binding (GB) Theory for Slavic linguists as well as an introduction to Slavic languages for scholars of syntax.

Parameters of Slavic morphosyntax

Clitics are grammatical elements that are treated as independent words in syntax but form a phonological unit with the word that precedes or follows it This volume brings together the facts about clitics in the Slavic languages, where they have become a focal points of recent research The authors draw relevant generalizations across the Slavic languages and highlight the importance of these phenomena for linguistic theory

A handbook of Slavic clitics

Numeral phrases in Russian display many unusual morphosyntactic properties, e.g., (i) the numeral sometimes assigns genitive (GEN-Q) to the following noun and sometimes agrees with it and (ii) the numeral phrase sometimes induces subject-verb agreement and sometimes does not. In this paper existing analyses of these properties are parametrized to accommodate related phenomena in other Slavic languages. First, Babby's (1987) proposal that GEN-Q is structural in Russian is shown not to extend to Serbo-Croatian, where it must be analyzed as inherent. Second, Pesetsky's (1982) idea that Russian numeral phrases may be either QPs or NPs also does not extend to Serbo-Croatian, where these are only NPs. This set of assumptions explains a range of seemingly unrelated facts about the behavior of numeral phrases in the two languages. Pesetsky's analysis is recast in terms of more recent hypotheses about phrase structure: (i) NPs are actually embedded in DPs and (ii) subjects are D-Structure VP-specifiers. Proposal (i) allows for a more explanatory analysis of GEN-Q assignment and proposal (ii) accounts for several distinctions between QP and NP subjects within Russian, also motivating the absence of these distinctions in Serbo-Croatian. Finally, it is shown that Polish can be assimilated to the proposed system.

Parametric properties of numeral phrases in Slavic

0. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................  2 1. Some general thoughts on Slavic clitics .....................................................................................  3 2. Second position clitics ..................................................................................................................  4 2.1. The Serbo-Croatian puzzle .................................................................................................  4 2.2. Two basic approaches ..........................................................................................................  6 2.2.1. Prosodic inversion ....................................................................................................  7 2.2.2. Head movement to C° ...........................................................................................  11 2.3. Some syntactic effects ........................................................................................................  13 2.3.1. Movement ...............................................................................................................  13 2.3.2. Splitting ....................................................................................................................  16 2.3.3. Names ......................................................................................................................  21 2.4. Clitics as functional heads .................................................................................................  22 2.4.1. Basic phrase structure and overview of the analysis ........................................  22 2.4.2. Where do 2P clitics go? ..........................................................................................  23 2.5. Some phonological effects .................................................................................................  27 2.6. A minimalist divistion of labor: syntax composes, phonology disposes ...................  28 2.6.1. Syntax: making clitics move .................................................................................  29 2.6.2. PF: prononouncing the right copy .......................................................................  30 2.7. Variations on a theme: other second position languages .............................................  33 2.7.1. Slovenian .................................................................................................................  33 2.7.2. Czech ........................................................................................................................  37 3. Some potential problems ...........................................................................................................  40 3.1. Ordering templates: accident or design? ........................................................................  40 3.1.1. Idiosyncratic heads ................................................................................................  40 3.1.2. Clitic climbing and cluster splitting ....................................................................  43 3.2. Ellipsis in Serbo-Croatian ..................................................................................................  46 3.3. Particles in Czech ...............................................................................................................  47 4. Verb adjacent clitics ....................................................................................................................  48 4.1. Some basic facts: Macedonian vs. Bulgarian ..................................................................  49 4.2. More variations on a theme: the verb comes to the clitics ...........................................  50 4.3. Ways of getting “clitic + verb” .........................................................................................  53 4.3.1. Movement possibilities ..........................................................................................  53 4.3.2. Linearization in PF .................................................................................................  54 4.4. Phonology can’t be all there is: Macedonian vs. Bulgarian redux ..............................  55 4.4.1. Imperatives and gerunds ......................................................................................  55 4.4.2. Clitics in DPs ...........................................................................................................  60 4.5. Syntax can’t be all there is either ......................................................................................  71 5. Excursus on Polish clitics ...........................................................................................................  76 STEVEN FRANKS 2

Clitics in Slavic

This paper investigates the status of across-the-board (ATB) dependencies in Logical Form (LF), taking the standard ATB movement analysis as the point of departure. It is argued that, although both overt and covert wh-movement are subject to the Coordinate Structure Constraint (CSC), only overt ATB movement can save possible CSC violations. This observation implies that there are no LF ATB dependencies at all—an unexpected result under the ATB movement analysis of the ATB construction. The conclusion is further supported by facts of Quantifier Raising and scope, as well as head movement. The paper then examines other approaches to the ATB construction, and argues that the null-operator analysis is able to capture the lack of LF ATB dependencies in a more principled way than alternative analyses. The paper also provides evidence for the existence of QR and LF wh-movement in English and examines the status of VP-coordination. It is argued that VP-level coordination is not possible in nonperiphrastic constructions.

Steven Franks

Papers

Parameters of Slavic morphosyntax

A handbook of Slavic clitics

Parametric properties of numeral phrases in Slavic

Clitics in Slavic

Across-the-board Movement and LF