This bibliography is a continuation of and a complement to those published in the Urban History Yearbook 1974–91 and Urban History 1992–2002. The arrangement and format closely follows that of previous years. There is an index of towns on pp. 504–507. The list of abbreviations identifies only those periodicals from which articles cited this year have been taken.

https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/S0963926800011299

Current bibliography of urban history

The EU is developing a border management strategy aiming at an “integrated and global response” to the challenges posed by the phenomenon of irregular immigration through the common external borders. “The Southern maritime borders” constitute one of the main targets addressed by this strategy. On November 2006, the European Commission published a communication calling for the reinforced management of the EU’s Southern maritime borders and for the maximisation of the capacities of the European Agency for the Management of Operational Cooperation at the External Borders of the Member States of the European Union – FRONTEX. This paper provides some reflections about these current policy approaches by looking at the nature, scope and practical implications of the implementation of the Integrated Border Management strategy and its relationship with a common EU immigration policy. After assessing the latest policy developments in these areas, we raise a number of questions about some of the functions and capacities carried out by FRONTEX, and present a series of vulnerabilities characterising the joint operations coordinated by this Community body taking the example of the operations HERA I, II and III in the Canary Islands (Spain). CEPS Working Documents are intended to give an indication of work in progress within CEPS research programmes and to stimulate reactions from other experts in the field. Unless otherwise indicated, the views expressed are attributable only to the author in a personal capacity and not to any institution with which he is associated.

The EU Border Management Strategy FRONTEX and the Challenges of Irregular Immigration in the Canary Islands

(The place of publication is London and the date 2003 unless otherwise stated.)

List of Publications on the Economic and Social History of Great Britain and Ireland Published in 2003

This article examines Epstein’s attempt to rehabilitate pre-modern craft guilds by criticizing my German case study. It demonstrates that his criticisms are baseless and his assertions about European guilds unsupported. Long survival does not establish the efficiency or aggregate economic benefits of any institution. Contrary to rehabilitation views, craft guilds adversely affected quality, skills, and innovation. Guild rent-seeking imposed deadweight losses on the economy and generated no demonstrable positive externalities. Industry flourished where guilds decayed. Despite impairing efficiency, guilds persisted because they redistributed resources to powerful groups. The ‘rehabilitation’ view of guilds is theoretically contradictory and empirically untenable. M y 2004 article, ‘Guilds, efficiency, and social capital’, used a detailed German case study and cross-European comparisons of the worsted industry to challenge recent theories attempting to rehabilitate guilds as economically efficient. 1 My study found the rehabilitation view theoretically contradictory and empirically untenable. Contrary to rehabilitation theories, guilds adversely affected quality, skills, innovation, and economic policy. Despite impairing efficiency, guilds persisted because they redistributed resources to powerful groups. Only by acknowledging its distributional effects can we properly assess this important economic institution. Professor Epstein’s comment presents no new findings and ignores the theoretical issues I raise. 2 Instead, he reasserts an alleged ‘modern consensus’ on the economic benefits of guilds, supported solely with unsubstantiated assertions and inaccurate criticisms of my case study. Here I provide a brief overview of the weaknesses of his comment, while referring the reader to my working paper, ‘Can we rehabilitate the guilds?’ for a systematic dissection of the rehabilitation case. 3 I Epstein denies contending guilds were ‘efficient’, disclaiming any view that they were ‘socially optimal’. But here he confuses social equity with economic efficiency. Even a rehabilitation theorist cannot defend guilds on equity grounds, as they redistributed resources from workers, women, and consumers to cartels of male masters. But Epstein does assert that guilds’ ‘aggregate social benefits outweighed their costs’—essentially a claim that they were efficient. He also repeats the tired old efficiency claim that guilds’ persistence demonstrates their economic benefits.This too is untenable, since an institution that keeps the economic pie small but distributes large slices to powerful groups—established masters, townofficials, state

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/40057561.pdf

Rehabilitating the guilds: a reply

Institutions that promoted or restrained early modern economic growth were established, sustained, and often destroyed by states. Yet their economic history lacks either a fundamental theory or grounded narrative for state formation in the east or the west. This survey of a library of recent research in the conjoined histories of national taxation and finance deploys a stage theory and reciprocal comparisons to explain when, how, and why England's political elites constructed a fiscal constitution for an island state that provided the external security, internal order, and successful mercantilism to carry the economy to a plateau of possibilities for a precocious industrial revolution.

The nature and historical evolution of an exceptional fiscal state and its possible significance for the precocious commercialization and industrialization of the British economy from Cromwell to Nelson

This controversial book offers a novel perspective on Tudor government and British state formation. It argues that traditional studies focusing on lowland England as 'the normal context of government' exaggerate the regime's successes by marginalizing the borderlands. Frontiers were normal in early-modern Europe, however, and central to the problem of state formation. England's peripheries were more extensive than the core and provide the real yardstick by which the effectiveness of government can be measured. Ellis demonstrates their importance by means of a detailed comparative study of two marches - Cumbria and Ireland - and their ruling magnates. He demonstrates the flaws in early Tudor policy, characterized by long periods of neglect, interspersed with sporadic attempts to adapt, at minimal cost, a centralized administrative system geared to lowland England for the government of outlying regions which had very different social structures. Ellis analyses the 1534 crisis in crown-magnate relations, reassesses the resulting policy of centralization and uniformity, and identifies the central role of these developments in establishing a British pattern of state formation.

Tudor frontiers and noble power : the making of the British state

Much more so than in modern times, sharp cultural and social differences distinguished the various peoples inhabiting the British Isles in the later middle ages. Not surprisingly these differences and the interaction between medieval forms of culture and society have attracted considerable attention by historians. By comparison with other fields of research, we know much about the impact of the Westminster government on the various regions of the English polity, about the interaction between highland and lowland Scotland and about the similarities and differences between English and Gaelic Ireland. Yet the historical coverage of these questions has been uneven, and what at first glance might appear obvious and promising lines of inquiry have been largely neglected — for example the relationship between Gaelic Ireland and Gaelic Scotland, or between Wales, the north of England and the lordship of Ireland as borderlands of the English polity.	 No doubt the nature and extent of the surviving evidence is an important factor in explaining this unevenness, but in fact studies of interaction between different cultures seem to reflect not so much their intrinsic importance for our understanding of different late medieval societies as their perceived significance for the future development of movements culminating in the present.

/pdf/nationalist-historiography-and-the-english-and-gaelic-worlds-2gpmsftva2.pdf

Nationalist historiography and the English and Gaelic worlds in the late Middle Ages

Tudor Ireland: Crown, community, and the conflict of cultures, 1470-1603

The second edition of Steven Ellis's formidable work represents not only a survey, but also a critique of traditional perspectives on the making of modern Ireland.  It explores Ireland both as a frontier society divided between English and Gaelic worlds, and also as a problem of government within the wider Tudor state. This edition includes two major new chapters: the first extending the coverage back a generation, to assess the impact on English Ireland of the crisis of lordship that accompanied the Lancastrian collapse in France and England; and the second greatly extending the material on the Gaelic response to Tudor expansion.

Ireland in the Age of the Tudors, 1447-1603: English Expansion and the End of Gaelic Rule

In the 1530s, Henry VIII and Thomas Cromwell carried out fundamental changes in the Tudor state. These changes amounted to a revolution in which three elements may be distinguished: the erection of the commonwealth into a sovereign empire, the king's divorce of Catherine of Aragon, and important alterations to the nature and structure of the English church. Because of the fundamental nature of the issues involved and the threat to the established order, the revolution very soon provoked widespread discontent among all sections of society. Nevertheless, opposition was spasmodic and uncoordinated, with each group of conspirators relying on another to rise, and all looking to the emperor, Charles V, to rectify the evils which, it was thought, the king's policies had brought about. Lack of effective leadership and failure to agree about what constituted the major grievances enabled the government to deal with the dissidents one by one. Cromwell was allowed to use parliament to ratify the government's programme and to manipulate public opinion. By constant vigilance and an intelligent use of the constraints placed on the populace by the penal clauses in the statutes, he secured the observance of the more unpopular measures. In spite of the overall success of this policy, the difficulties were many, and the final outcome always in doubt. Its enforcement was thus ‘a political task of some magnitude’ for the government. Probably the most determined challenge to the revolution was presented in Ireland, where rebellion broke out in June 1534.

/pdf/the-kildare-rebellion-and-the-early-henrician-reformation-d6efmy9jcy.pdf

Steven G. Ellis

Papers

Tudor frontiers and noble power : the making of the British state

Nationalist historiography and the English and Gaelic worlds in the late Middle Ages

Tudor Ireland: Crown, community, and the conflict of cultures, 1470-1603

Ireland in the Age of the Tudors, 1447-1603: English Expansion and the End of Gaelic Rule

The Kildare Rebellion and the Early Henrician Reformation