Aborigenes [78]. according [155]. Action [39, 72]. actuelle [87]. actuelles [107, 84]. Acvaghosa [8]. Aegypten [30]. Aether [126]. Agnes [42]. al [11]. Albert [45]. alcune [51]. Algerien [30]. alla [51]. allo [28]. Alphonse [15]. Altertum [94]. americaine [75]. Amici [10]. among [78]. analyse [96]. analytique [101, 49, 81, 17]. Ananda [153, 154]. Anaxagora [55]. ancient [55, 56]. année [16]. Annotated [17]. Annuaire [47]. ans [74]. antike [56]. antiquite [62, 7]. Antiquities [156]. Anton [64]. Antonio [10]. août [167]. Arabic [52]. Arabische [30]. arabischen [52]. Arber [42, 42]. Ardigo [70]. Aristoteles [29, 112]. Aristotle [61]. Armin [100, 136, 166]. art [107, 87]. Arts [154]. Ascanio [53]. Astronomical [161]. ateliers [92]. atomism [56]. Atomistik [56]. augmenter [25, 57]. August [112, 69]. Auguste [162, 37].

/pdf/a-complete-bibliography-of-publications-in-isis-1960-1969-57r31jhn2p.pdf

A Complete Bibliography of Publications in Isis, 1960{1969

This article argues that medieval craft guilds emerged in order to provide transferable skills through apprenticeship. They prospered for more than half a millennium because they sustained interregional specialized labor markets and contributed to technological invention by stimulating technical diffusion through migrant labor and by providing inventors with temporary monopoly rents. They played a leading role in preindustrial manufacture because their main competitor, rural putting out, was a net consumer rather than producer of technological innovation. They finally disappeared not through adaptive failure but because national states abolished them by decree.

https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/S0022050700021124

Craft Guilds, Apprenticeship, and Technological Change in Preindustrial Europe

In this far-ranging and penetrating work, Denise Ferreira da Silva asks why, after more than five hundred years of violence perpetrated by Europeans against people of color, is there no ethical outrage? Rejecting the prevailing view that social categories of difference such as race and culture operate solely as principles of exclusion, Silva presents a critique of modern thought that shows how racial knowledge and power produce global space. Looking at the United States and Brazil, she argues that modern subjects are formed in philosophical accounts that presume two ontological moments-historicity and globality-which are refigured in the concepts of the nation and the racial, respectively. By displacing historicity's ontological prerogative, Silva proposes that the notion of racial difference governs the present global power configuration because it institutes moral regions not covered by the leading post-Enlightenment ethical ideals-namely, universality and self-determination. By introducing a view of the racial as the signifier of globalit y,Toward a Global Idea of Race provides a new basis for the investigation of past and present modern social processes and contexts of subjection. Denise Ferreira da Silva is associate professor of ethnic studies at University of California, San Diego.

Toward a Global Idea of Race

The graphic portrayal of quantitative information has deep roots These roots reach into histories of thematic cartography, statistical graphics, and data visualization, which are intertwined with each other They also connect with the rise of statistical thinking up through the 19th century, and developments in technology into the 20th century From above ground, we can see the current fruit; we must look below to see its pedigree and germination There certainly have been many new things in the world of visualization; but unless you know its history, everything might seem novel

https://www.math.usu.edu/~symanzik/teaching/2009_stat6560/Downloads/Friendly_milestone.pdf

Milestones in the history of thematic cartography, statistica l graphics, and data visualization

All self-respecting nonlinear scientists know self-organization when they see it: except when we disagree. For this reason, if no other, it is important to put some mathematical spine into our floppy intuitive notion of self-organization. Only a few measures of self-organization have been proposed; none can be adopted in good intellectual conscience. 
To find a decent formalization of self-organization, we need to pin down what we mean by organization. The best answer is that the organization of a process is its causal architecture—its internal, possibly hidden, causal states and their interconnections. Computational mechanics is a method for inferring causal architecture—represented by a mathematical object called the e-machine—from observed behavior. The e-machine captures all patterns in the process which have any predictive power, so computational mechanics is also a method for pattern discovery. In this work, I develop computational mechanics for four increasingly sophisticated types of process—memoryless transducers, time series, transducers with memory, and cellular automata. In each case I prove the optimality and uniqueness of the e-machine's representation of the causal architecture, and give reliable algorithms for pattern discovery. 
The e-machine is the organization of the process, or at least of the part of it which is relevant to our measurements. It leads to a natural measure of the statistical complexity of processes, namely the amount of information needed to specify the state of the E-machine. Self-organization is a self-generated increase in statistical complexity. This fulfills various hunches which have been advanced in the literature, seems to accord with people's intuitions, and is both mathematically precise and operational.

/pdf/causal-architecture-complexity-and-self-organization-in-time-1057jo2eu4.pdf

Causal architecture, complexity and self-organization in time series and cellular automata

Preface 1. The character of the enlightenment 2. Mathematics and the exact sciences 3. Experimental physics 4. Chemistry 5. Natural history and physiology 6. The moral sciences Bibliographic essay Sources of quotations Index.

Science and the Enlightenment

List of Illustrations Ch. 2 Athanasius Kircher's Sunflower Clock Ch. 3 The Magic Lantern and the Art of Demonstration Ch. 4 The Ocular Harpsichord of Louis-Bertrand Castel or, The Instrument That Wasn't Ch. 5 The Aeolian Harp and the Romantic Quest of Nature Ch. 6 Science since Babel: Graphs, Automatic Recording Devices, and the Universal Language of Instruments Ch. 7 The Giant Eyes of Science: The Stereoscope and Photographic Depiction in the Nineteenth Century Ch. 8 Vox Mechanica: The History of Speaking Machines Ch. 9 Conclusion Notes Bibliography Index

/pdf/instruments-and-the-imagination-2hrq2nfqs3.pdf

Instruments and the imagination

Instruments and the Imagination

THE HISTORY OF science contains many famous quarrels and polemics, some dealing with fundamental problems and others arising from personality conflicts and squabbles over priority. All fields of science have had their share of controversy, but one would expect to find less of it in those " exact " sciences, such as mechanics, that are highly mathematical and also subject to experimental demonstration. This has not been the case, of course. The concepts used in mechanics are abstract and not at all obvious. The whole history of mechanics has been a series of attempts to clarify these concepts and to demonstrate their validity, and arguments between opposing schools of thought have been frequent and often acrimonious. Of all these quarrels, the most famous was the vis viva controversy which began with Leibniz' publication of his " Brief Demonstration of a Notable Error of Descartes" in 1686 and ended at some undetermined date in the eighteenth or possibly even in the nineteenth century.' Like many such controversies it was never actually resolved. The enthusiasm of the combatants subsided either from fatigue, or more likely from the realization that they had been talking past each other for over fifty years and were in disagreement over basic suppositions about the nature of force and matter. Of course we can explain the controversy very easily today. The concept of the " force of a body in motion " which taxed the scientific minds of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries is ambiguous; it can refer either to the momentum or to the energy of a moving body and both of these quantities are conserved. Leibniz was searching for some active principle that was conserved and kept the universe from "' running down " and slowly coming to a halt. This he found in the vis viva of matter which he measured by the product of the mass and the square of the velocity. Descartes, on the other hand, had insisted that the " quantity of motion," the product of mass and the simple speed, was the quantity which was conserved. Thus Leibniz came close to stating the law of conservation of energy in mechanics while Descartes came close to stating the law of conservation of momentum. It was very soon pointed out by Huygens and others that momentum is

Thomas L. Hankins

Papers

Science and the Enlightenment

Instruments and the imagination

Instruments and the Imagination

Eighteenth-Century Attempts to Resolve the Vis viva Controversy

Authority, Liberty, and Automatic Machinery in Early Modern Europe