It comes as something ofa surprise to reflect that the New York Review ofBooks is now over twenty years old. Even people of my generation (that is, old enough to remember the revolutionary 196os but not young enough to have taken a very exciting part in them) think of the paper as eternally youthful. In fact, it has gone through years of relatively quiet life, yet, as always in a competitive journalistic market, it is the controversies that attract the interest of the reader and to which the history (especially an admittedly impressionistic survey that tries to include something of the intellectual context in which a journal has operated) must give some attention. Not all the attacks which the New York Review has attracted, both early in its career and more recently, are worth more than a brief summary. What do we now make, for example, of Richard Kostelanetz's forthright accusation that 'The New York Review was from its origins destined to publicize Random House's (and especially [Jason] Epstein's) books and writers'?1 Well, simply that, even if the statistics bear out the charge (and Kostelanetz provides some suggestive evidence to support it, at least with respect to some early issues), there is nothing surprising in a market economy about a publisher trying to push his books through the pages of a journal edited by his friends. True, the New York Review has not had room to review more than around fifteen books in each issue and there could be a bias in the selection of

http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/3507774.pdf

The New York Review of Books

Distinguishing four sources of power in human societies – ideological, economic, military and political – The Sources of Social Power traces their interrelations throughout human history In this first volume, Michael Mann examines interrelations between these elements from neolithic times, through ancient Near Eastern civilizations, the classical Mediterranean age and medieval Europe, up to just before the Industrial Revolution in England It offers explanations of the emergence of the state and social stratification; of city-states, militaristic empires and the persistent interaction between them; of the world salvation religions; and of the particular dynamism of medieval and early modern Europe It ends by generalizing about the nature of overall social development, the varying forms of social cohesion and the role of classes and class struggle in history First published in 1986, this new edition of Volume 1 includes a new preface by the author examining the impact and legacy of the work

The sources of social power

■ Abstract Sociologists have turned to collective identity to fill gaps in resource mobilization and political process accounts of the emergence, trajectories, and impacts of social movements. Collective identity has been treated as an alternative to structurally given interests in accounting for the claims on behalf of which people mobilize, an alternative to selective incentives in understanding why people participate, an alternative to instrumental rationality in explaining what tactical choices activists make, and an alternative to institutional reforms in assessing movements’ impacts. Collective identity has been treated both too broadly and too narrowly, sometimes applied to too many dynamics, at other times made into a residual category within structuralist, state-centered, and rationalist accounts.

/pdf/collective-identity-and-social-movements-i51jpbigmi.pdf

Collective identity and social movements

Nos últimos trinta trinta anos, houve profundas mudanças na forma como compreendemos o crime e a justiça criminal. O crime tornou-se um evento simbólico, um verdadeiro teste para a ordem social e para as políticas governamentais, um desafio para a sociedade civil, para a democracia e para os direitos humanos. Segundo David Garland, professor da Faculdade de Direito da New York University, um dos principais autores no campo da Sociologia da Punição e com artigo publicado na Revista de Sociologia e Política , número 13, na modernidade tardia houve uma verdadeira obsessão securitária, direcionando as políticas criminais para um maior rigor em relação às penas e maior intolerância com o criminoso. Há trinta anos, nos EUA e na Inglaterra essa tendência era insuspeita. O livro mostra que os dois países compartilham intrigantes similaridades em suas práticas criminais, a despeito da divisão racial, das desigualdades econômicas e da letalidade violenta que marcam fortemente o cenário americano. Segundo David Garland, encontram-se nos dois países os “mesmos tipos de riscos e inseguranças, a mesma percepção a respeito dos problemas de um controle social não-efetivo, as mesmas críticas da justiça criminal tradicional, e as mesmas ansiedades recorrentes sobre mudança e ordem sociais”1 (GARLAND, 2001, p. 2). O argumento principal da obra é o seguinte: a modernidade tardia, esse distintivo padrão de relações sociais, econômicas e culturais, trouxe consigo um conjunto de riscos, inseguranças e problemas de controle social que deram uma configuração específica às nossas respostas ao crime, ao garantir os altos custos das políticas criminais, o grau máximo de duração das penas e a excessivas taxas de encarceramento.

http://www.scielo.br/pdf/rsocp/n20/n20a15.pdf

The culture of control: crime and social order in contemporary, society

Victor Nee Cornell University This paper underscores the importance of hybrid forms in the current market transitions in state socialism through an examination of the emergence of marketized firms and cadre-entrepreneurs in China. The paper develops a new-institutionalist analysis of the organizational dynamics that propel market transition in reforming state socialism. Under conditions of partial reform, marketized firms enjoy a transaction cost advantage over alternative governance structures. Changes in the institutional environment stemming from the spread of markets and the changing structure of property rights, however, increasingly favor private firms. Nonetheless, a mixed economy characterized by a diversity of organizational forms and a plurality of property rights will be a persistent feature of transitions from state socialism. Analysis of the interaction between government, enterprise, and market forces illustrates how the new-institutionalist perspective is applied to a dynamic model of market transition in China.'

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/2393531.pdf

Organizational Dynamics of Market Transition: Hybrid Forms, Property Rights, and Mixed Economy in China

pointed with the general lack of reflexivity and contextualization. Reading these “voices” as constructed by the researchers, I felt that the gerontologist had much to learn about methodology from the poststructural feminist. But despite these nits and picks, the book convinced me. Age matters. This is a good book. Not only does it show the gaps in feminist thinking, it offers ways of filling that gap. One of the ways is for us to leave our own fear or disgust or denial of growing old in a culture that does not value aging. Given that many of us “second-wave” feminists will soon be leaving the surety of “middle-age” and moving into old-age (if we are lucky), I can only hope (and expect, actually) that the “personal is political” mantra that has propelled many of us to write and research our own lives will carry us into our next age location. Toni M. Calasanti and Kathleen F. Slevin have given us a road-map. We should carry it with us. We should teach it.

The Purchase of Intimacy

Книга посвящена рассмотрению значения и последствий культурного (или лингвистического) поворота, культурализма и постмодернизма для истории и социологии. В ней также намечаются новые направления развития теории и практики исторических исследований. Различные культурные теории, их сильные и слабые стороны анализируются как с исторической, так и с историко-социологической точек зрения. Дается общая оценка тенденции укрепления позиций культурализма, рассматриваются ключевые проблемы, стоящие перед исторической и социологической наукой в свете изменений, вызванных культурным поворотом и с учетом результатов последних эмпирических исследований социальных практик, нарративов, человеческого тела и самости как критических точек пересечения социального и культурного.

Beyond the cultural turn: new directions in the study of society and culture

Masters at visual propaganda, the Bolsheviks produced thousands of vivid and compelling posters after they seized power in October 1917. Intended for a semi-literate population that was accustomed to the rich visual legacy of the Russian autocracy and the Orthodox Church, political posters came to occupy a central place in the regime's effort to imprint itself on the hearts and minds of the people and to remold them into the new Soviet women and men. In this first sociological study of Soviet political posters, Victoria Bonnell analyzes the shifts that took place in the images, messages, styles, and functions of political art from 1917 to 1953. Everyone who lived in Russia after the October revolution had some familiarity with stock images of the male worker, the great communist leaders, the collective farm woman, the capitalist, and others. These were the new icons' standardized images that depicted Bolshevik heroes and their adversaries in accordance with a fixed pattern. Like other 'invented traditions' of the modern age, iconographic images in propaganda art were relentlessly repeated, bringing together Bolshevik ideology and traditional mythologies of pre-Revolutionary Russia. Symbols and emblems featured in Soviet posters of the Civil War and the 1920s gave visual meaning to the Bolshevik worldview dominated by the concept of class. Beginning in the 1930s, visual propaganda became more prescriptive, providing models for the appearance, demeanor, and conduct of the new social types, both positive and negative. Political art also conveyed important messages about the sacred center of the regime which evolved during the 1930s from the celebration of the heroic proletariat to the deification of Stalin. Treating propaganda images as part of a particular visual language, Bonnell shows how people 'read' them - relying on their habits of seeing and interpreting folk, religious, commercial, and political art (both before and after 1917) as well as the fine art traditions of Russia and the West. Drawing on monumental sculpture and holiday displays as well as posters, the study traces the way Soviet propaganda art shaped the mentality of the Russian people (the legacy is present even today) and was itself shaped by popular attitudes and assumptions. "Iconography of Power" includes posters dating from the final decades of the old regime to the death of Stalin, located by the author in Russian, American, and English libraries and archives. One hundred exceptionally striking posters are reproduced in the book, many of them never before published. Bonnell places these posters in a historical context and provides a provocative account of the evolution of the visual discourse on power in Soviet Russia.

Iconography of Power: Soviet Political Posters under Lenin and Stalin

"Roots of Rebellion" is the first comprehensive history of workers' political attitudes and organizations in St. Petersburg and Moscow during the final years of the tsarist era. In this richly documented study, Victoria Bonnell examines the workers' persistent efforts to combine collectively and to assert and defend their rights in the workplace and society at large. Focusing on trade unions, the most important legal labor organizations in pre-revolutionary Russia, she analyzes the complex interaction among workers, employers, political parties, and the state, and the circumstances that drove many workers in a revolutionary direction. Drawing on a wide range of archival and published sources, memoirs, and statistical materials, the author presents an account of the workers' milieu and their organizations on the eve of 1905, the formation of factory committees, soviets, and trade unions during the First Russian Revolution, and the subsequent evolution of the newly-legalized trade unions until the outbreak of World War I. Professor Bonnell's close investigation of the social bases of labor activism and political radicalism brings to light the outstanding role that skilled workers, particularly artisans and skilled factory groups, played int he labor movement. The book offers new perspectives on the sources of solidarity and radicalism among Russian workers and their conceptions of class, craft, and citizenship during the last decades of the old regime. It will be read with interest by historians, social scientists, and others seeking to understand the origins and background of a major revolutionary upheaval of the modern age.

Roots of Rebellion: Workers’ Politics and Organizations in St. Petersburg and Moscow, 1900–1914

The sociological study of history has only recently achieved recognition in American sociology. Although historical research occupied an important place in the nineteenth-century European sociological tradition, American scholars long accepted a disciplinary division relegating the study of the past to historians, while reserving contemporary subjects for sociological investigation. The field of historical sociology first witnessed a revival in the 1950s with the publication of Reinhard Bendix's Work and Authority in Industry (1956) and Neil Smelser's Social Change in the Industrial Revolution (1959). During these years, a small chorus of voices called for a more historical approach to sociological problems and closer cooperation between the two disciplines.

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Victoria E. Bonnell

Papers

The Purchase of Intimacy

Beyond the cultural turn: new directions in the study of society and culture

Iconography of Power: Soviet Political Posters under Lenin and Stalin

Roots of Rebellion: Workers’ Politics and Organizations in St. Petersburg and Moscow, 1900–1914

The Uses of Theory, Concepts and Comparison in Historical Sociology