In an era when everyone wants to be a millionaire, governments struggle to attract and retain highly qualified employees, making it more important than ever to understand what attracts people to the public service. Using contingency table analysis and logistic regression on the 1989 and 1998 General Social Surveys, we explore how individuals' demographic characteristics and the importance they place on various job qualities influence their preference for and employment in the public sector. Job security may still be the strongest attraction of government jobs, but high income and the opportunity to be useful to society also attract some Americans to the public service. Minorities, veterans, Democrats, and older Americans preferred public-sector jobs more than whites, nonveterans, Republicans, and younger Americans, who were otherwise similar. Women and college graduates were more likely than comparable men and less-educated respondents to have government jobs, but no more likely to prefer them. Overall, desire for government jobs declined markedly between 1989 and 1998.

Who Wants to Work for the Government

A comparative framework is used to assess the present understanding of the motivational context in public organizations. Comparative public-private research on individual, job, work environment, and external variables affecting motivation is reviewed. In light of this research, the efficacy of four motivational techniques—monetary incentives, goal setting, job design, and participation—is discussed. An agenda is offered for future research, focusing on topics such as the measurability of performance, goal clarity, and job security.

Factors Affecting the Context for Motivation in Public Organizations

This article reviews the literature on work motivation in the public sector, with careful attention to the underlying theoretical assumptions of this body of work and the empirical evidence it has generated. The topic of work motivation has received relatively little attention in the public sector; the research that does exist has been largely data driven, guided at best by theories that have not incorporated more contemporary research. In this article I will draw on current psychological research on work motivation, as well as the theory and empirical evidence regarding the unique characteristics of public organizations and employees, and develop a revised public-sector model of work motivation that emphasizes variables such as procedural constraints, goal content, and goal commitment. J-PART 11(2001):4:559-586 In a recent article, Behn (1995) urged scholars to focus their research on the big questions in public management. One of the most important of these questions, according to Behn, concerns motivation. Specifically, the field needs to learn how "public managers [can] motivate public employees (and citizens too) to pursue important public purposes with intelligence and energy" (p. 319). This observation, however, is not new. Perry and Porter (1982, 97) noted nearly two decades ago that "the literature on motivation tends to concentrate too heavily on employees within industrial and business organizations." Perry and Porter proposed, as did Behn, a research agenda to improve the understanding of the motivational context in public-sector organizations. Unfortunately, very little research has fulfilled this agenda. While work motivation has been a prominent area of interest in organizational behavior (Cooper and Robertson 1986) and continues to be one of the most frequently discussed topics in psychology (Rousseau 1997), it has been (Balk 1974) and continues to be (Behn 1995) largely ignored by public-sector scholars. 559/Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory This content downloaded from 157.55.39.181 on Thu, 29 Sep 2016 05:54:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Public-Sector Work Motivation: Literature Review Admittedly, work motivation is a difficult concept to define or study (Rainey 1993). While numerous definitions of work motivation have been developed over the years, some consensus can be found around Jones's (1955, vii) assertion that work motivation concerns "how behavior gets started, is energized, is sustained, is directed, is stopped, and what kind of subjective reaction is present in the organism while all this is going on." Such a broad definition is slightly misleading, suggesting that motivation is studied as an end in itself. In actuality the primary objective of work motivation research has not been to learn why employees act as they do but, instead, to learn how to motivate employees to perform the duties and responsibilities assigned by the organization. Consistent with this emphasis, work performance often has been used as a proxy for work motivation, ignoring other determinants of performance such as employee (e.g., ability or task comprehension) and environmental (e.g., situational constraints or task demands) characteristics (Kanfer 1990). In recognition of a primary concern with performance and the limited role of motivation in determining that performance, however, work motivation is considered here as inclusive of such aspects as the direction, intensity, and persistence of work-related behaviors desired by the organization or its representatives (Mitchell 1997). Although this definition emphasizes the determinants and processes that underlie behavior, such constructs cannot be measured directly but must be inferred from a larger theory in which the antecedents of motivation are linked to purported behavioral consequences. Even though there has been some agreement on a definition there has been little agreement on how to operationalize or measure work motivation, and there are a number of competing theories of work motivation. While no single, dominant theory exists, many recent attempts to develop a unified theory of work motivation have emphasized the importance of goal structures as the immediate regulator of behavior (Kanfer 1990; Katzell and Thompson 1990; Mitchell 1997). As I have noted, however, work motivation has failed to achieve similar interest among public-sector scholars. This lack of attention to work motivation in the public sector is surprising. Public-sector organizations are under constant pressure to improve their productivity and reduce their costs. Because publicsector employees frequently are stereotyped as lazy, self-serving, and misguided (Baldwin 1984; Newstrom, Reif, and Monczka 1976), a better understanding of work motivation is essential to any efforts to describe, defend, or improve the efficiency and effectiveness of public organizations. 560/J-PART, October 2001 This content downloaded from 157.55.39.181 on Thu, 29 Sep 2016 05:54:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Public-Sector Work Motivation: Literature Review Furthermore, recent research on motivation has emphasized how the interaction of environmental and personal forces influences individual motivation, but little effort has been made to identify or discuss the potential implications these theories hold for public-sector organizations. Although there is a great deal of debate on whether fundamental differences should exist between the public and private sectors in the characteristics of employees and work environment, there is agreement that differences do exist (Fottler 1981; Meyer 1982; Osborne and Gaebler 1992; Perry and Porter 1982; Perry and Rainey 1988; Rainey, Backoff, and Levine 1976; Whorton and Worthley 1981). Unfortunately, research generally has failed to address whether the differences between the two sectors have a significant impact on the variables relevant to organizational effectiveness in the public sector (Baldwin and Farley 1991). The study of work motivation can provide valuable insight into any effect these sector differences might have on a critical antecedent of public-sector productivity. My objective in this article is to advance understanding of work motivation in the public sector. In the first section of the article, the current research on work motivation in the public sector will be reviewed, with a careful examination of the current theoretical approaches and the empirical evidence that they have generated. Previous reviews of this literature have been conducted, but they are either dated (Gibson and Teasley 1973; Perry and Porter 1982) or they were intended to compare the attributes of publicand private-sector organizations (Baldwin 1984; 1987; 1991; Baldwin and Farley 1991; Rainey, Backoff, and Levine 1976; Rainey 1989; Rainey, Traut, and Blunt 1986). I will conclude the article by combining theory and empirical evidence regarding the unique characteristics of public organizations and employees with contemporary psychological theories of work motivation in order to develop a revised public-sector model of work motivation. The resulting model will provide a theoretical framework for future public-sector research on work motivation that may be able to identify specific leverage points that can increase work motivation and, therefore, productivity in the public sector. CURRENT CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK Although insufficient attention has been given to work motivation within the context of the public sector, relevant research does exist. To facilitate an understanding of the existing work motivation literature, some attempt must be made to place these studies within a theoretical framework. One such framework is 561/J-PART, October 2001 This content downloaded from 157.55.39.181 on Thu, 29 Sep 2016 05:54:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Public-Sector Work Motivation: Literature Review Exhibit 1 Public-Sector Model of Work Motivation

Public-Sector Work Motivation: A Review of the Current Literature and a Revised Conceptual Model

This chapter reviews recent developments in research on public sector labor markets Public sector labor markets have two important characteristics which account for the interest in their operation First, public sector labor markets are large -- in most developed countries the public sector workforce accounts for over 15% of total employment Second, public sector labor markets are different from private sector labor markets Most importantly, politicians or bureaucrats may have objectives which differ from those of the owners of private sector firms; and the political system can allow scope for achieving those objectives where a market system would not The introductory sections of the chapter present a simple conceptual framework for thinking about the operation of public sector labor markets, and background information on a range of key characteristics of public sector labor markets such as union structure and the institutional environment for wage bargaining The main sections summarize a variety of research relating to earnings and employment outcomes in public sector labor markets First, studies which compare average earnings outcomes of public sector and private sector employees in a range of countries are reviewed Second, studies of the determinants of earnings of local government employees in the United States are described Third, various information on the earnings structure and distribution of earnings in the public sector and private sector is presented Fourth, studies of the level and composition of public sector employment are summarized A concluding section presents an overview of the main findings and themes from research on public sector labor markets, and suggests topics for future research

Recent developments in public sector labor markets

In contrast to the amount of attention and research devoted to the impact of schooling on individuals, relatively little research has been directed to answering questions about the effects of schooling on family interaction. Based on the available evidence, the author proffers a twofold general hypothesis: (a) Among the enduring effects of schooling on the individual are certain behavioral dispositions that determine how he or she will behave as a parent— for example, how the person will interact with his or her children, (b) In turn, parental behavior will have important consequences for a child's development of specific cognitive skills, learning strategies, and personality characteristics. The primary focus in the article is a conceptual and empirical examination of the impact of schooling on the parent-child relationship. In the course of a series of studies presented here, attempts are made to determine whether parental schooling, parental occupational status, and maternal employment each have a distinct pattern of influences on educationally related aspects of the parent-child relationship. The inquiry is conducted in the context of issues regarding ethnic diversity, individual variability within ethnic groups, and educational and occupational equity, giving particular attention to Chicano families. The findings regarding linkages between parental schooling and the parent-child relationship suggest plausible explanations of the frequent scholastic failure observed among the members of certain ethnic minorities in the United States. Therefore, as a secondary focus, a broad theoretical model is presented that causally links parental schooling, family interaction processes, and children's scholastic performance.

School, occupation, culture, and family: The impact of parental schooling on the parent–child relationship.

This study provides evidence that wages in the public sector tend to be higher than in the private sector for most blue-collar jobs and lower level white-collar jobs, but salaries are generally lower in the public sector for managerial and professional occupations. The authors argue that these differentials, many of which are accentuated by differences in fringe benefits and job security, can be explained in large part by a combination of two factors: the discretion that public employers must exercise in implementing the prevailing wage rule adopted by most cities and larger government units, and the nature of the political forces that affect governmental wage decisions. Careful attention should be given to the evolving structure of collective bargaining in the public sector.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/info/2521620

Wage Determination in the Public Sector

The Chicano worker

'How To Prevent Complaints\"; and \"Resolving Complaints.\" The text is indeed simple, although not always in plain English; but the result is simplistic. Peres tries to deal not only with the provisions of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 but with the Civil Rights Acts of 1866 and 1871, the relevant state statutes, Executive Order 11375, the Equal Pay Act, and the Age Discrimination in Employment Act. Since these statutes each pose their own particular problems, they present too broad a base for careful or thorough analysis in 245 pages of print. Consequently, the author fails to provide (even as an overview) the practical guidelines for dealing with the myriad problems of employment discrimination his book overambitiously promises. As for the plain English, Peres has not made it easy for the layman to follow the cases cited or the points made. For some reason, he has chosen to use a single citation system, relying completely upon the Employment Practices Decisions of the Commerce Clearing House, Inc. except for rare occasions when he cites a Supreme Court case. Yet very few, if any, employers are likely to have a set of decisions published by the Commerce Clearing House at hand and the absence of comparable citations to the Bureau of National Affairs' Fair Employment Practice series, or even the specific court citations, which are equally, if not more, available, is sure to frustrate those who would like to read quoted language from decisions in context. Among the basic problems this reader had with the book were its broad generalizations that seemed untrue. For example, the author states that: \"Race prejudice outside the South seems to lie deeper within the American subconscious mind.\" Does he mean that race discrimination is more likely to be found in the South? If that is what he means, I disagree. I believe that race discrimination is endemic in certain industries, whereas others are comparatively free of it, not necessarily because of conscious or unconscious community attitudes, but largely because of the social status given to certain types of employment, whether in Alabama or Minnesota. This is probably equally true with regard to nationalorigin discrimination. The fact is that discrimination in employment, for whatever reason, has always permeated our society, giving rise to the stereotypes on which it is then based. Peres is no more successful in his attempts to be precise. Employing the word \"proofs\" instead of the generally accepted term, \"proof,\" for example, he devotes the chapter on proving employment discrimination essentially to a warning about what the reader must prove in order not to be found guilty of discrimination. Peres illustrates in examples from typical cases the inability of employers to present evidence to prove that, in fact, they were not engaged in a discriminatory practice. The general reader may be able to glean some light from these examples, but not much. This is a well-organized but poorly conceived and poorly written volume; it leaves this reader with the sense that he wished it were as simple as the author suggests. The disappointment is increased by the existing need for a simple, wellwritten description of the applicable law that explains to an employer what is unlawful and what are the consequences of violating the law. Large corporations obviously do not need such guidance: they have counsel and are kept fully informed, even if such information has not stopped their discriminatory practices. The smaller employer, however, and the interested second level manager of the larger establishments need an understanding of how discrimination problems arise. The book fails to address itself to the audience to which it claims to be directed. Nor does it address itself to the problems of enforcing the statutes. It merely implies that the statutes are enforced by the federal or state agencies. Yet, the fact is that the most effective nforcement has been through individual or class suits, using private counsel, under the concept of the \"private attorney general.\" As a result, the enforcement of the statutes occurs primarily in the areas of individual or class grievances heard by the courts rather than through the concerted government attack on employment discrimination the lawmakers intended. It is unfortunate, but true, that the problem is bigger than both public and private enforcement machinery can handle, and Peres adds little that will be helpful in dealing with the major, continuing social problem of employment discrimination. Stephen C. Vladeck Vladeck, Elias, Vladeck, and Engelhard, P.C. New York

Mexican Illegal Alien Workers in the United States.

Investigates the influences of occupational earnings of full-year male workers. Implications of human capital investment; Effects of the female proportion of employment on men's earnings; Significance of education for earnings. (Abstract copyright EBSCO.)

Occupational Earnings: Market and Institutional Influences.

After providing an introduction to the symposium as a whole, this paper argues that basic changes are needed in this country's immigration policy to cope with the large flow of migrants who have en...

Walter Fogel

Papers

Wage Determination in the Public Sector

The Chicano worker

Mexican Illegal Alien Workers in the United States.

Occupational Earnings: Market and Institutional Influences.

United States immigration policy and unsanctioned migrants