The authors present the Annual Oral Cancer Campaign of Araraquara promoted by the Oral Medicine Service of the Araraquara Dental School – UNESP. This campaign is an extension activity which, since its beginning, in 1993, has been expanding.The campaign provides background for teaching and research as well as benefits to the regional community. In 1999 this activity was conducted, for the first time, in a public fair visited daily for thousands people. This opportunity, which started in 1999, promoted the expansion of benefits and contributed to legitimate the campaign as an authentic extramural extension activity.

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Campanha de prevenção do câncer bucal em Araraquara: uma iniciativa de extensão consolidada em 11 anos de experiência

This article examines the identity discourses of Chinese migrants in cyberspace in the light of contemporary theorizing of Chinese national identities and Chinese nationalism. The study adopts a qualitative methodology, based on the textual analysis of postings on Internet forums frequented by migrants from the People’s Republic of China (PRC) who are currently studying and working in Singapore, and in-depth interviews with the forum participants. Findings show that the Internet opens up liminal spaces from which migrants can resist, challenge, and speak against regimes of truth imposed on them by their homeland and the host society. Furthermore, the combination of text and image on the forums enable the migrants from the PRC to produce an online imaginary of China as a superpower and an empire, thus articulating a form of resistance against the perceived hegemony of the United States in the international system and the disciplining of the host state.

Imagining the Homeland: The Internet and Diasporic Discourse of Nationalism:

As populist nationalism and criticism of government emerge from the Chinese online sphere, the potential influence of public engagement in online communication on Chinese politics has drawn much scholarly and media attention. To illuminate the role of user-generated online communication for political change, this study investigates how online political expression among Chinese Internet users relates to their nationalistic attitudes and support of the status quo. An analysis of survey data demonstrates that online political expression, facilitated by news consumption, enhances support for the existing sociopolitical system both directly and indirectly through nationalism. The results suggest that partial inclusion of the public in the online deliberation process serves to bolster system stability and legitimacy, as the Chinese Communist Party intends.

The role of new media in sustaining the status quo: online political expression, nationalism, and system support in China

Recent media policy statements made by the Chinese Communist Party’s leadership invariably stress the importance of strengthening Chinese media’s “communication capacity,” but how communication is understood by the CCP leadership remains somewhat unclear. Engaging a range of perspectives from critical media and communication studies, this article examines a dominant view of communication held by the Chinese leadership and explores a number of ways in which that view shapes the direction of Chinese media’s efforts to “go global.” Through the prism of media events, including the CCTV’s coverage of the Sichuan earthquake, news, and current affairs, this article argues that, despite the increased quantity of Chinese media content overseas, the sphere of disagreement between Chinese media and its international counterparts — over what kind of stories should be told and how to tell these stories — seems insurmountably vast.

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Mission Impossible? Soft Power, Communication Capacity, and the Globalization of Chinese Media

Using the October 2008 slapping incident of historian Yan Chongnian as a case study, this article attempts to contextualize and critically examine the articulation of Han supremacism on the Chinese internet. It demonstrates how an informal group of non-elite, urban youth are mobilizing the ancient Han ethnonym to challenge the Chinese Communist Party's official policy of multiculturalism, while seeking to promote pride and self-identification with the Han race (han minzu ) to the exclusion of the non-Han minorities. In contrast to most of the Anglophone literature on Chinese nationalism, this article seeks to employ "Han" as a "boundary-spanner", a category that turns our analysis of Chinese national identity formation on its head, side-stepping the "usual suspects" (intellectuals, dissidents and the state itself) and the prominent role of the "foreign other" in Chinese ethnogenesis, and instead probing the unstable plurality of the self/othering process in modern China and the role of the internet in opening up new spaces for non-mainstream identity articulation. © 2010 The China Quarterly.

More Than a Category : Han Supremacism on the Chinese Internet.

1. Rethinking Nation and Nationalism: Concepts, Positions and Approaches 2. Renationalizing the State: Class and Nation and the Party-state 3. Rewriting National History: The 'Zeng Guofan Phenomenon' 4. Reconstructing a Confucian Nation: The Confucian Revival 5. Repossessing the Mother Tongue: Chinese Characters, Traditional Forms and Cultural Linguistics 6. Reclaiming the 'Othered' China: Nationalist Appropriations of Postcolonialism

Cultural Nationalism in Contemporary China

This title was first published in 2000:  This text aims to provide a clear understanding of the complex relationship that exists between nationalism, national identity, the state, the direction and trend of China's transition and the subsequent prospects for democratization. While describing the rise of Chinese nationalism and the accompanying discourse on Chinese national identity, it focuses on the national identity question and its impact on democratization. The text argues that Chinese nationalism is not monolithic and that popular Chinese nationalism attempts to exclude the role of the party-state in defining national identity. Most importantly, it has the potential to demand democratic reform and push for democratization in China. Nevertheless, the alliance between nationalism and democracy will expedient. Chinese nationalism, whether official or popular, comes into conflict with democracy when it confronts the national identity/boundary problem. They clash with each other where territoriality is involved. The Chinese nationalist solution to the problem is logically and inherently opposed to the contemporary trend towards democracy.

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Nationalism, National Identity and Democratization in China

Introduction, Wanning Sun and Yingjie Guo 1. Political power and social inequality: the impact of the state, Yingjie Guo 2. Inequality and culture: a new pathway to understanding social inequality, Wanning Sun 3. Between social justice and social order: the framing of inequality, David Kelly 4. Temporality as trope in delineating inequality: progress for the prosperous, time warp for the poor, Dorothy Solinger 5. Uneven development and the time/space economy, Carolyn Cartier 6. The great divide: institutionalized inequality in market socialism, Beibei Tang and Luigi Tomba 7. Education and inequality: education and equality, Andrew Kipnis 8. (In)equality under the law in China today, Colin Hawes 9. Between entitlement and stigmatization: the lessons of HIV/AIDS for China's medical reform, Johanna Hood 10. Grassroots activism: non-normative sexual politics in post-socialist China, Lisa Rofel 11. Gender as a categorical source of property inequality in urbanizing China, Sally Sargeson 12. Law of the land or land law? notions of inequality and inequity in rural Anhui , Graeme Smith 13. Conclusion: What's wrong with inequality: power, culture and opportunity, David S. G. Goodman

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Unequal China : the political economy and cultural politics of inequality

The Chinese Communist Party's dramatic shift from Mao Zedong's Chinese Revolution to Xi Jinping's Chinese Dream remains under-examined and even misunderstood or mispresented despite its enormous impact on every aspect of national life in the People's Republic of China. There is a clear need for in-depth analysis of the extent to which the CCP has departed from the philosophical foundation of Marxism and Maoism, abandoned socialism and communism, inverted its long tradition of iconoclasm, transformed its own identity and altered its subject position. Part of the CCP's philosophical departure from Marxism and Maoism is its increasing conversion to nationalism. The new nationalism underpinning the Chinese Dream, in particular, operates against the grain of Marxism and Maoism, and vice versa, and is logically irreconcilable with the latter – so much so that the CCP cannot be nationalists and Marxists, Maoists or communists at the same time. The contradictory logics between nationalism and Marxism can be best seen from their respective conceptions of permanence and change, the unity and conflict of opposites, and conceptions of, and approaches to, tradition and the past, which have had major ramifications in political-cultural change in post-Mao China, especially in Xi's New Era.

Yingjie Guo

Papers

Cultural Nationalism in Contemporary China

Nationalism, National Identity and Democratization in China

Unequal China : the political economy and cultural politics of inequality

From Marxism to nationalism: The Chinese Communist Party's discursive shift in the post-Mao era

REWRITING NATIONAL HISTORY: The ‘Zeng Guofan phenomenon’