Publisher Summary The new telecommunications are a product of the computer revolution. One of the ways in which China could technologically leapfrog and make a quantum gain in telecommunications capabilities would be through its space program. An automatic pattern generator was successfully made in 1972—this was the first of its kind for photolithography mask making in China. Subsequently, it was used successfully in making masks for 256-bit and 1024-bit MOS shift registers, which were among the first generation of large-scale integrated (LSI) circuits being developed in the country. In the decade from 1978 to 1987 China underwent a very substantial restructuring with deep reforms in the rural and industrial sectors, educational sector, and management of science sector, all seeking to invigorate China to modernize to world standards. In the 1980s, the microprocessor technology was rapidly changing the economies of industrialized countries. The fact for China as well as for all of the developing countries that seek a degree of technological independence is that a computer industry is not a matter of status but is becoming a matter of national survival.

Computer science and information technology in the People's Republic of China: the emergence of connectivity

Weak power-great power relationships : Sino-Khmer Rouge relations 1975-1989

AbstractChina’s foreign policy underwent a significant change since the passing away of Mao. The “Open-Door” policy became an integral part of the country’s modernization and reform policy, paving the way for an expanded societal interaction. 

Foreign Policy of China Under Deng Xiaoping: Politico-Strategic Dimension

Increasingly, the trend in Sino-Soviet normalization has acquired the kind of high visibility which compels serious attention within India. There are several valid reasons for our interest in the matter. Historically, both the Sino-Indian dispute and the Sino-Soviet split occurred in the fifties when the parties concerned had appeared to the outside world as friends and allies. In subsequent developments, the sixties began with a border war between India and China and ended with another border war between China and the Soviet Union. Although the nature of China's bilateral controversies, leading to actual confrontation with India and Soviet Union, were not identical in their origin and evolution, chronologically, its durability with either protagonist has spanned more than a quarter of a century. More recently, an almost parallel movement towards a rapprochement is taking place, formally signified by an ongoing process of seven rounds of Sino-Soviet consultations and six meetings between the Indian and the Chinese representatives till date. Although their initial differences concerning some political issues persist, China and the Soviet Union have been interacting with each other at a frequency which was unimaginable barely a couple of years ago. In 1985, for example, more than 70 visits were exchanged between the two erstwhile adversaries. Following the 27th Congress of the CPSU which ended on 3 March 1986, in the forthcoming weeks sometime, Soviet First Vice-Premier Arkhipov is scheduled to visit Beijing to review bilateral, economic, scientific and cultural relations. Later, in the summer of 1'86, Soviet and Chinese Foreign Ministers will hold important talks with each other which are expected to contribute further towards normalization. Similarly, Sino-Indian contacts at several levels have also grown considerably. It may be explained that it does not lie within the scope of this article to examine the derivative triangular linkages present in the Sino-Indian and the Sino-Soviet issues or to argue that the apparent dynamic of the Sino-Soviet thaw would weaken India's bargaining position vis-a-vis China and therefore a border settlement should be precipitated in order to match the pace of the evolving pattern in Sino-Soviet relations. Rather, the following presentation precludes any juxtaposition with the Sino-Indian problems and focuses almost entirely on certain initiatives taken by the Chinese leadership which have rendered its earlier posturing somewhat obsolete and created an opportunity for it to weigh the Soviet factor afresh in the immediate perspective. Finally, the article seeks to analyse the imperatives behind Beijing's current moves within the larger framework of the primary objective of removing once for all the backward economic status of the country. However, to the extent that the process of Sino-Soviet normalization flows from the shifts in China's foreign and domestic policies, its implications for India are self-evident and for that very reason worthy of our deep interest.

Sino-Soviet Detente in the Making

The world in which we live is fraught with complicated contradictions and international problems. But in the view of the People's Republic of China, there are two principal global and strategic issues: the East-West issue, or the issue of peace, and the North-South issue, or the issue of development. The East-West issue arose from the establishment of the two major militarypolitical blocs after the Second World War. The two blocs are in direct confrontation in Europe, but their existence affects areas beyond Europe. The key to East-West relations is the relationship between the Soviet Union and the United States. Relying on their great pre-eminence in economic and military strength over other countries, the two superpowers are engaged in fierce rivalry in all spheres, causing sustained turbulence in the international situation. The all-round arms race between them is ever escalating, from conventional to nuclear weapons, from land and sea to outer space. This has posed a serious threat to world peace and to the security of all nations. In our world today, the United States and the Soviet Union are the only two countries which are capable of fighting a new world war. In this sense, the global issue of peace or war is closely linked with the issue of East-West relations. Having suffered enough from the scourge of war, the people of all countries crave peace. They don't want war. They are against fighting a war. On this major issue which involves the future of mankind more and more countries, large countries as well as small and medium-sized, non-aligned as well as aligned, are determined to take their destiny into their own hands. They are actively taking all kinds of action in an effort to maintain world peace. These countries and peoples eagerly hope that East-West relations may be eased, and they demand that the superpowers must stop their arms race and carry out genuine disarmament. It can be said that although the danger of war still exists, the forces deterring war and safeguarding peace are also steadily growing. This is an important trend in the world situation today. The essence of the North-South issue is the widening economic gap between the developing and the developed countries. There are various reasons for this gap, an important one being the existence of the out-dated international economic order which is unjust and inequitable. The world today has increasingly become a closely linked whole. It is impossible for economic growth in the developed countries to continue on the basis of the continuing poverty of the developing countries. Without economic growth in those areas-which are inhabited by three-quarters of the world's population, the developed countries will face difficulties in getting resources, markets and outlets of capital, and hence damage to their own economic interests. The logic is obvious. The relations between the developed and the developing countries should be equal, mutually beneficial and complementary. The developed countries need the

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/2617703.pdf

Zhao Ziyang

Papers

The objectives of China's foreign policy: for lasting peace, increased friendly cooperation and co-prosperity