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TL;DR: The authors identify four main strands of the migrant enfranchisement literature since 2010 and outline its main (debated) concepts, and identify missing links among the strands, such as a tendency for scholars to study the electoral rights of foreign residents (immigrants) separate from nationals abroad (emigrants).
Abstract: We identify four main strands of the migrant enfranchisement literature since 2010 and outline its main (debated) concepts. We pinpoint missing links among the strands, such as a tendency for scholars to study the electoral rights of foreign residents (immigrants) separate from nationals abroad (emigrants). Other missing links lie with actors and processes along the migrant enfranchisement legal path, with more studies focused on enacting or implementing rights versus fewer on why rights stagnate or fail to pass. Another missing link is geographic, favouring South–North over South-South enfranchisement. Despite an overall acceptance of transnational belonging and multi-territorial political participation, research agendas remain disparate across migration studies, political science, sociology, international relations, and other social sciences and humanities. Missing links are missed opportunities to merge disciplinary findings and find (causal) mechanisms to explain migrant enfranchisement. When analysing the four strands, we suggest researchers apply an immigrant-emigrant lens to include origin and residence countries and rights of both emigrants and immigrants. Each article in this Special Issue nuances one of the strands, combines them, or applies the immigrant-emigrant lens. The issue expands the geographic coverage of current studies and offers innovative comparative analyses of Africa, Europe, and Latin America.
6 citations
TL;DR: The authors examined a set of hypotheses related to economic reasons, global norms, democratization, and political competition for the enactment of Nicaraguan external voting rights, and put more weight on domestic explanations, as compared to prior cross-national and comparative studies.
Abstract: Some states that enacted external voting rights decades ago have still not regulated or applied these rights, leaving emigrants unable to participate in elections. Searching for why the emigrant enfranchisement process remains incomplete, I map countries as either typical (fast-track or slow-paced) or deviant (stagnant, interrupted, or outlier) cases. Then I review the legal background of emigrant enfranchisement in the stagnant case of Nicaragua. I examine a set of hypotheses related to economic reasons, global norms, democratisation, and political competition; the role of political actors and instrumental factors are possible bona fide explanations for the enactment of Nicaraguan external voting rights. Along with putting more weight on domestic explanations, as compared to prior cross-national and comparative studies, this article aims to enrich existent empirical analyses on emigrant enfranchisement, taking a ‘Global South’ perspective.
3 citations
01 Jan 2023
TL;DR: In this article , the authors explore to what extent Ecuadorian voters' emotional underpinning and anti-immigration attitudes are associated with their populist and elitist attitudes and find that having negative emotions towards some foreign residents increases the probability of depicting anti-immigrant attitudes and voting for populist choices.
Abstract: Abstract Given the increasing migration inflows in Ecuador in recent years, both the ruling government and the opposition, as well as a part of the public opinion, have expressed concerns about the very presence of certain foreign residents, occasionally portraying them as the ‘antagonist’ by natives. Considering this context of rising anxiety for Ecuadorians over immigrants of certain nationalities, particularly Colombians, Cubans and Venezuelans, we focus in this chapter on emotions and the political psychology of the voter. This is to explore to what extent Ecuadorian voters’ emotional underpinning and anti-immigrant attitudes are associated with their populist and elitist attitudes. Using individual-level data and structural equation modelling to unpack the nexus between different negative emotions, attitudes and prospective electoral behaviour, our results report that populist attitudes significantly lead to higher immigrant attitudes and are also positively correlated to electorally supporting a populist radical left-wing candidate. Furthermore, having negative emotions – predominantly anger and distrust – towards some foreign residents increases the probability of depicting anti-immigrant attitudes and voting for populist choices.
Authors
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| Name | H-index | Papers | Citations |
|---|---|---|---|
| Georg Dickmann | 0 | 1 | 0 |