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Showing papers in "American Antiquity in 1968"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A Late Prehistoric period buffalo kill and butchering site in northern Wyoming (Site 48 JO 312) produced a large number of stone tools as mentioned in this paper, which provided much of the interpretation of the activity that occurred at the site and in addition gave a number of ideas concerning tool use and sharpening.
Abstract: A Late Prehistoric period buffalo kill and butchering site in northern Wyoming (Site 48 JO 312) produced a large number of stone tools. Flakes removed in sharpening stone tools provided much of the interpretation of the activity that occurred at the site and in addition gave a number of ideas concerning tool use and sharpening.

203 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the results of the author's attempts to replicate the obsidian polyhedral cores and prismatic blades of Mesoamerica have been discussed, and the importance of preforming the core and platform preparation is stressed, and it is pointed out that usually, actual removal of the blade offers few problems.
Abstract: This paper deals with the results of the author"s attempts to replicate the obsidian polyhedral cores and prismatic blades of Mesoamerica. Blades have been produced by the direct percussion, indirect percussion, and pressure methods. The pressure method using a chest crutch and a clamp produces cores and blades which are true replicas of aboriginal specimens. The importance of preforming the core and of platform preparation is stressed, and it is pointed out that, usually, actual removal of the blade offers few problems. However, to produce exhausted cores which show the perfection of aboriginal specimens and a large series of nearly identical blades requires good muscular coordination, high quality material, the establishment of patterns or rhythms of motor habits, and the absence of distractions. The author also discusses the difficulties of recovering from mistakes in manufacture. High-speed photography of prismatic blade removal, at 5,000 frames per second, has helped illustrate the behavior of the material and of the stoneworker. These photographs also indicate that under the present experimental and photographic conditions the author (Crabtree) is able to remove a prismatic blade from a core in about 1,250th of a second.

161 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper outlines the procedures and equipment necessary for applying a simple flotation technique to recover animal bone, seeds, and other small cultural remains lost in the normal screening of soils from archaeological sites, arguing that, without use of such a flotation procedure, inferences about prehistoric subsistence patterns from faunal and floral remains are sharply biased.
Abstract: This paper outlines the procedures and equipment necessary for applying a simple flotation technique to recover animal bone, seeds, and other small cultural remains lost in the normal screening of soils from archaeological sites Soil is initially processed in the field by a water-separation technique The resulting concentrate is later treated, in the laboratory, by chemical flotation, to separate faunal from plant remains This simple, inexpensive technique enables processing of soil in quantity, thereby allowing recovery of small plant and animal remains from midden or feature fills where they occur in very low densities It is argued that, without use of such a flotation procedure, inferences about prehistoric subsistence patterns from faunal and floral remains are sharply biased in favor of larger animals and in favor of hunting, over natural plant food collecting, since conventional screens are not adequate for recovery of most plant remains or small animal bones

160 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Edge-angle measurements from 1,448 Paleo-Indian stone artifacts are presented and differences in angle size distributions are found to characterize distal and lateral edges, indicative of different functional operations.
Abstract: Edge-angle measurements from 1,448 Paleo-Indian stone artifacts are presented. The relationships between edge-angle size and differential functional applications are explored. Differences in angle size distributions are found to characterize distal and lateral edges. General categories of functional effectiveness are suggested for different angle size ranges. The utilized edges of tools with different angle sizes are found to exhibit different types of wear, and these differences are considered to be indicative of different functional operations. V ARIATION IN flaked stone artifacts may be attributed to a number of factors. The inherent qualities of the raw materials from which artifacts are made are probably significant among these. But, aside from the fact that variations in quality among different stone types will lead to differential selection of raw materials on the part of stoneworkers, raw-material quality is a natural - not a cultural-phenomenon. Culturally-imposed variation includes such factors as artifact size, overall artifact shape, artifact edge modification, and alteration brought about by artifact use. Of these, this paper is directed toward a consideration of the latter two - edge characteristics and wear patterns. Functional variation is the product of postdetachment modification of flakes to make them more efficient in the performance of certain operations and of further alteration of the utilized edges or surfaces of artifacts under the stress of use. In the series of tools under consideration, modification was always accomplished by edge retouch. This is, of course, a technological process, but retouch was carried out primarily to increase the suitability of a flake for certain functional ends, and it may be

99 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A good overview of the techniques of factor, cluster, and proximity analysis can be found in this article, where Hodson et al. discuss several archaeological uses of these techniques, including those of Hodson on La Tene brooches, L. and S. Binford on Mousterian assemblages, Freeman and Brown on the Carter Ranch Pueblo, and the author on Teotihuacan, Mexico.
Abstract: An effort is made to give readers a good idea of what the techniques of factor, cluster, and proximity analyses are; of what are their good features and their limitations; and where one should look for further information. Archaeological uses of these techniques which are discussed include those of Hodson on La Tene brooches and on Mousterian assemblages, L. and S. Binford on Mousterian assemblages, Freeman and Brown on the Carter Ranch Pueblo, and the author on data from Teotihuacan, Mexico. The dangers of using correlations based on inadequate samples are stressed, and one necessary (though not sufficient) condition for sample adequacy is suggested. It is argued that proximity analysis, among other applications, is probably better than the Brainerd-Robinson approach for seriation. IN THIS paper I am trying to operate simultaneously on two levels. First, I would like to see that as many archaeologists as possible are informed about the three techniques to be discussed, whether or not they have any intention of using them themselves, so that they at least know something of what is reasonable and unreasonable to expect of them; so that they can direct interested students to important literature about them; and so they can judge better, in their work and others, both when it seems inappropriate to use one of these techniques and when it seems inappropriate not to use one of them. Toward this aim, there are long sections which I hope are intelligible to anyone willing to pay close attention, regardless of his statistical background. Second, I have some things to say which are mainly for the benefit of people already using one or more of these techniques; I hope the larger audience will forgive the obscurity of these passages. Several disclaimers and clarifications should be disposed of at once. I am not trying to explain in one paper everything one must know in order to use any of these techniques; instead I cite some basic references. My concentration on three techniques and the omission of many others, notably multiple regression, multiway analysis of contingencies, and "grammatical" approaches, does not imply that these other methods are less useful. I have limited this paper to these three because I happen to know somewhat more about them and because it would make the paper too long to try to cover more. Concerning my knowledge, I am, myself, in the process of learning more about these techniques, and the justification for this paper is not that I know everything worth knowing about them, but that I know enough more than most archaeologists to make it worthwhile to discuss what I have learned. Also, because I am trained as an archaeologist, in some circumstances what I have to say may be more helpful than advice from a more experienced statistician who lacks a feeling for archaeological data and problems. I have done and pondered a dozen factor analyses, all by computer; six or eight cluster analyses, by hand; and four proximity analyses by

57 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A study of the relationship between archaeological sites and the previous channels of the Ucayali River in eastern Peru supports the archaeological chronology already established on stratigraphic grounds.
Abstract: A study of the relationships between archaeological sites and the previous channels of the Ucayali River in eastern Peru supports the archaeological chronology already established on stratigraphic grounds. These relationships also suggest that the average duration of a meander loop from inception to cut-off is about 500 years. This 500-year cycle offers an explanation for, and a measure of, the temporal lacunae separating the various components of multicomponent sites on the bluffs adjoining the Ucayali flood plain. The extent and rapidity of geomorphological evolution in this region must be considered when one attempts to evaluate the data of site density and site location, since many archaeological sites are quickly destroyed or buried.

52 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Arrow Grotto, an inner sanctum deep within a mountain of south-central New Mexico and reached only by a crawlway from Feather Cave, was found to contain masses of offerings untouched for six centuries or more as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Arrow Grotto, an inner sanctum deep within a mountain of south-central New Mexico and reached only by a crawlway from Feather Cave, was found to contain masses of offerings untouched for six centuries or more. Examination of material and of accompanying pictographs by men from several living pueblos led to identification of the grotto as a shrine for Earth Mother and Sun Father, visited at the period of biannual solar ceremonies. Parallels between Arrow Grotto, other prehistoric ceremonial caves, and even the Anasazi sipapu, show a pattern surprisingly similar to that of a number of Pueblo ceremonial caves in use today or in the recent past. Parallels to concepts regarding caves and supernaturals in Mexican cultures indicate a series of rapid northward diffusions of religious ideas, the first, at least, from eastern Mesoamerica, through Preclassic to Postclassic periods, one of our most specific evidences of influential contacts. Original owners of Feather Cave and Arrow Grotto probably were Piros who left the Rio Bonito Valley to become mingled, eventually, with southern Tiwa relatives, whose descendants still inhabit pueblos near Albuquerque.

49 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, solid core drilling was used to provide guidelines for future excavation of Monks Mound at the Cahokia site and the internal structure of the largest earthen mound in North America.
Abstract: Solid core drilling was used to provide guidelines for future excavation of Monks Mound at the Cahokia site. The objective was to study, within reasonable limits of time and finances, the internal structure of the largest earthen mound in North America. The process is described along with a discussion of its problems and limitations as applied to similar archaeological situations. Radiocarbon dates indicate construction over approximately 250 years, from A.D. 900 to 1150. Evidence of construction stages is described and used to arrive at an estimate of labor figures and the necessary sustaining population of the Cahokia settlement. It is suggested that most of the mounds at the site were built after the completion of Monks Mound.

42 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A study of 70,000 artifacts from the type-site is reported; the known cultural content is increased by numerous new traits as discussed by the authors, including ceremonial organization, massive mound construction, village planning, ceramics, figurines, advanced lapidary industry, and probable agriculture.
Abstract: Late Archaic developments along the Gulf Coast and up the Mississippi Valley, after 2000 B.C., contributed a substantial base for the Poverty Point culture. New coastal and inland discoveries bring the total number of Poverty Point sites to 34, with many additional possibilities. A study of 70,000 artifacts from the type-site is reported; the known cultural content is increased by numerous new traits. The thesis is advanced that Formative elements of Mesoamerican origin, including ceremonial organization, massive mound construction, village planning, ceramics, figurines, advanced lapidary industry, and probable agriculture, enriched the basic Archaic culture and contributed to subsequent cultural developments in the valley.

39 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Martin et al. as discussed by the authors showed that the use of pollen evidence can be useful in dating areas within "single-component" sites and in determining the withinsite locations of prehistoric activities or functions.
Abstract: Using data from a 100-room 13th-century Pueblo ruin in east-central Arizona, it is tentatively demonstrated that pollen evidence can be useful in dating areas within "single-component" sites and in determining the withinsite locations of prehistoric activities or functions. IT IS WELL known that fossil pollen from archaeological sites can yield information about past physical environments and about the diets of prehistoric peoples. It can also be used in dating sites relative to one another. Most of the early research along these lines has been contributed by European workers (Clark 1936, 1954; Jessen 1949; Godwin 1956; Oldfield 1963; Faegri and Iversen 1964). Recently, however, significant results of a similar nature have been achieved in North America (Deevey 1944; Johnson 1949; Anderson 1955; Martin and Schoenwetter 1960; Martin 1963; Adams 1964; Martin and Sharrock 1964; Mehringer and Haynes 1965; Hevly 1966; Jelinek 1966). The purpose of this paper is to suggest two additional interpretations of pollen data that may prove useful in archaeological research. These are: first, the use of pollen in intra-site dating; secondly, the use of such data in isolating functionally distinct areas within (and between) sites. The focus of our analysis is Broken K Pueblo, a rectangular, single-storied, surface masonry pueblo located 11 mi. east of Snowflake, Arizona. It is the largest site in the Hay Hollow Valley, containing about 100 rooms (Fig. 1); it is also the latest site in the valley, dating from about A.D. 1150 to 1280. Ten radiocarbon dates and one tree-ring date, as well as ceramic cross dating, were used in establishing the "absolute" dates given here. Details of the excavation and analytical results have been published by the Field Museum of Natural History (Martin and others 1967; see also Hill 1966; Longacre 1966). The site was excavated in a statistically random manner (simple random sample). Fortysix rooms (50 per cent of the rooms) were excavated in the initial sample, and eight additional rooms were excavated as the necessity for doing so became apparent (Fig. 1). Pollen samples were taken from the floors of most of the excavated rooms although 11 rooms were, for a variety of reasons, not sampled (Rooms 19, 20, 28, 29, 30, 35-37, 39, 44a, 44b, 74, and Outlier No. 1). There was a total of 53 analyzed pollen samples. Each sample consisted of about 200 gm. of soil from an area measuring about 40 cm. in diameter and 1/2 cm. in depth. Although most of these samples were taken from floor surfaces (floor plaster), three of them were from the bottoms of floor-pits, two were from the basins of m aling bins, two were from the grinding s rfaces of metates, one was from a sample of fecal material, and one was from the sediments underlying an infant burial in Room 34. Two samples taken from "fill" levels in Room 22 were also analyzed. Not all samples yielded pollen, however. For this reason, nine of the sampled rooms have no pollen record (Rooms 25, 36, 41, 43, 54, 64, 65, 69, and 82). Thus, out of a total of 43 sampled rooms, 34 of them yielded pollen (usually one sample per floor). This is considered a sufficiently large sample to use in the distribution studies of pollen types that are presented in this paper especially since the rooms that yielded pollen were rather evenly distributed throughout the site. The rooms that were used in this study are given in Table 1. The pollen from Broken K was extracted and identified by Richard H. Hevly. Analyses of the pollen distributions in terms of intra-site dating a d room-function were carried out independently by both authors, and the results were subsequently compared. The agreement was remarkable.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the postglacial readaptation in eastern North America, attempts have been made to apply a single standard to the entire area as discussed by the authors, but these definitions are inadequate since a number of environmental zones existed in the region during late glacial and early post-glacial times.
Abstract: In definitions of the postglacial readaptation in eastern North America, attempts have been made to apply a single standard to the entire area. Such definitions are inadequate since a number of environmental zones existed in the region during late glacial and early postglacial times. These consisted of a periglacial zone with a fairly high carrying capacity supporting a cold-climate hunting adaptation; a zone of closed boreal forest with a relatively low carrying capacity; and a region of broadleaf and southern forests with a relatively high carrying capacity for a mixed gathering-and-hunting base. In the southeast there is a gradual transition from formally defined Paleo-Indian to Archaic culture, although both groups, if separation is possible, had potentially the same subsistence base. In the northeast there is a low population density hiatus between two periods of higher population density.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A review of previous systems for describing the disposal of the dead reveals basic inconsistencies in terminology and logic and a new classification is proposed that not only utilizes concepts and terminology wherever possible but also attempts to eliminate non-mutually exclusive categories and ambiguous terminology as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: A review of previous systems for describing the disposal of the dead reveals basic inconsistencies in terminology and logic. A new classification is proposed that not only utilizes concepts and terminology wherever possible but also attempts to eliminate non-mutually exclusive categories and ambiguous terminology. The system is summarized in outline form to facilitate the use of the scheme as a field checklist during the excavation of burials. ABASIC requirement for any discussion of a cultural complex or a comparative study pertaining to such a complex is a meaningful and applicable classificatory system and a precise nomenclature. Anyone who has attempted comparative studies utilizing burial traits is immedi

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a prehispanic agricultural technique (Mahamaes) which permits effective cultivation of sizable areas without canal irrigation has been identified in the Central and North Coasts of Peru and its apparent ability to support relatively large, sophisticated political structures suggests some reorganization of our thinking about the utility of the hydraulic agriculture model for coastal Peru.
Abstract: Recent observations on the Central and North Coasts of Peru indicate the previously unrealized importance of a prehispanic agricultural technique ( mahamaes ) which permits effective cultivation of sizable areas without canal irrigation. Mahamaes cultivation may well have been significant in the origins of agriculture on the coast, and as a supplement to canal irrigation in later prehispanic times. Its apparent ability to support relatively large, sophisticated political structures suggests some reorganization of our thinking about the utility of the hydraulic agriculture model for coastal Peru.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A two-day survey during November, 1966, strongly suggests a true urban character for Middle horizon Tiahuanaco as discussed by the authors, with a range of population between 5,200 and 10,500, and possibly up to 20,000 people.
Abstract: Recent opinions as to the size and character of ancient Tiahuanaco, Bolivia, vary greatly. On the basis of published information, it is impossible to assess these important aspects of the site. A two-day survey during November, 1966, strongly suggests a true urban character for Middle horizon Tiahuanaco. At that time the urban core covered approximately 2.4 km2. A range of population between 5,200 and 10,500, and possibly up to 20,000 people, is suggested. Tiahuanaco’s strategic location with respect to three major environmental zones is regarded as a crucial factor in the site’s economic and political importance.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The use of native copper in some prehistoric cultures of North America was both extensive and technically skillful as discussed by the authors, and the Indians appreciated some of the properties of copper and made use of these in shaping tools, weapons, and ornaments of high quality workmanship.
Abstract: The use of native copper in some prehistoric cultures of North America was both extensive and technically skillful. The remains of pits sunk into every major native copper lode in the Lake Superior region (Griffin 1961; Drier and DuTemple 1961: 16; Quimby 1960: 52-63; West 1929) show that the material was mined in quantity. Float copper, found on the surface, was also used. The Indians appreciated some of the properties of copper and made use of these in shaping tools, weapons, and ornaments of high-quality workmanship. Figure 1 shows typical examples of the thousands of beautifully shaped native copper artifacts which have been found in mid-North America. The development of metallurgical techniques is usually supposed to follow a progression of hammering, annealing, melting the native metal, smelting ores, casting, and alloying. Curiously enough, the techniques of copper working in North America evolve only through the hammering and annealing stages, and apparently they remained at this level for centuries. In this paper the authors examine some of the metallurgical properties of the artifacts and the native copper from which they were made.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The interpretation and content of the Olmec bas-reliefs at Chalcatzingo are discussed in this article, and a reaffirmation of the contemporaneity of the carvings with Gulf Coast reliefs is made.
Abstract: The content and interpretation of the Olmec bas-reliefs at Chalcatzingo are discussed in this paper. This reanalysis shows that some of the most important carvings have apparently been misinterpreted in the past. Information concerning a new carving, previously unreported, is presented, and a reaffirmation of the contemporaneity of the Chalcatzingo carvings with Olmec Gulf Coast reliefs is made. Chalcatzingo is suggested as an important Middle Preclassic religious and trade center. W ,tHILE there have recently been excellent W publications (Cook de Leonard 1967; Gay 1966) which illustrate and discuss the only Olmec bas-relief carvings found in the Mexican central highlands (at Chalcatzingo, Morelos), certain omissions and inaccuracies, plus the discovery of a new carving, warrant a reanalysis of the material at this time. During a recent extensive field period in Morelos, the author, both alone and accompanied by other archaeologists, had the opportunity to visit the Chalcatzingo carvings on numerous occasions. During these visits and subsequent discussions, there arose certain clarifications or alternate interpretations which are significant; these will be discussed here. Complete redescription of the carvings will not be attempted as their physical descriptions are adequately published in the Cook de Leonard (1967) and Gay (1966) articles. Gay's article does not dwell at any length upon the interpretations of the Chalcatzingo carvings, but Cook de Leonard draws lengthy interpretative conclusions, based to some extent upon the iconography of Mesoamerican Postclassic period codices and somewhat upon modern psychoanalytical theory. While the direct historical approach is often a valuable tool in making cultural-historical interpretations, it should be used with caution, and all alternatives should be weighed. Furthermore, because the field of culture and personality is still essentially in its developmental stage in anthropology, cultural interpretations based upon a Western-oriented psychoanalytical theory should be viewed with extreme caution, if not completely rejected. The Cerro de la Cantera (or Cerro Chalcatzingo) is the central of three large Tertiary granodiorite intrusions (Instituto de Geologia 1966) that thrust imposingly out of the alluvialvolcanic plain of eastern Morelos. The bas-relief carvings occur along the northern portion of the hill above an archaeological zone of Preclassic and Classic age, and they are found in two separate groupings. The first group, designated in this paper as Group A, is located up on the actual hillside and is above and to the west of the Group B carvings, which occur at the base of the hill in conjunction with the archaeological zone. The Group A carvings are found carved upon the bedrock of the hill while the Group B carvings are found on large detached boulders slightly away from the hill. For convenience, the numbering system utilized by Gay (1966) will serve in this paper, with additional numbers added to the reliefs which Gay did not publish. All the reliefs discussed in this paper are illustrated in Figs. 1 to 9. The Group A carvings consist of reliefs I and VI, plus two small reliefs here designated as VII and VIII. The reliefs I, VII, and VIII were first reported by Guzman (1934: 237-44); relief VI was discovered in 1965. Relief I (Fig. 1) represents a seated figure within a U-shaped niche or "cave" from which large scroll-volutes are issuing. Both Gay (1966: 57) and Cook de Leonard (1967: 66) identify the U-shaped niche as a cave and the volutes as connected with clouds and mist. The seated figure wears an elaborate headdress typical of Gulf Coast Olmec reliefs (see Drucker 1952, Figs. 49, 50), and it carries a ceremonial bar. Over the cave are carved symbols, most probably representing rain clouds, while below these clouds are "pendent dot" elements which are probably representations of rain drops. Other symbols on the relief include five which represent plants, and five concentric circles, similar to simple jade symbols found in Postclassic codices, particularly the Codex Borgia, which probably represent water. Attached to the top of the cave is a glyphic element consisting of an oval containing a flame eyebrow which surrounds a "St. Andrews cross." Although Cook de Leonard (1967: 66, 71) identifies this glyph as representing the "House of the Sun of the Underworld," and the cave as the "Underworld," the positioning of the glyph atop the cave suggests a more probable interpretation that the cave is a stylized earth monster's mouth with the oval glyph representing

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Kelley and Abbott as mentioned in this paper reviewed the 1963 and 1965 surveys of the Alta Vista mining operations and drew some conclusions about the character of the society which sponsored them, and concluded that the extent of mining was much more than local consumption could possibly require and therefore points to the economic dependence of the exploitative organization upon the high cultures farther south and southeast.
Abstract: The Chalchihuites culture of the Colorado-Suchil river drainage of western Zacatecas began about A.D. 100 as a somewhat evolved and belated Early Preclassic colonization of simple agriculturalists. By the Alta Vista phase (ca. A.D. 350-550) it had assumed the role of a much more complex society. A great expansion of population occurred. This transition was very rapid and present evidence supports the hypothesis that highly organized social groups colonized the area in order to exploit the mineral resources located there. Extensive mining operations, coupled with self-supporting agricultural patterns, characterize the zenith of the period. The extent of mining was much more than local consumption could possibly require and therefore points to the economic dependence of the exploitative organization upon the high cultures farther south and southeast. This paper reviews the 1963 and 1965 surveys of the Alta Vista mining operations and draws some conclusions about the character of the society which sponsored them. THE ABORIGINAL mines, locally called cuevas (caves) or cavernas (caverns), of the Chalchihuites region of western Zacatecas were first noted in an anthropological context by Manuel Gamio (1910). His work was concentrated at and near the site of Alta Vista, and local informants recall that he spent only several days in the mining regions proper. Gamio located two mining groups. His directions are very vague, but it is probable that his references are to the Rancho Colorado and Ejido Cardenas groups (see map, Fig. 1). Noguera (1930) accepted without criticism Gamio's interpretations of the functions of the cavernas. Interest in the mines hereafter was sporadic. An archaeological reconnaissance by J. Charles Kelley in 1960 and his subsequent seasons of excavations in the area in 1961, 1962, and 1963 produced more information concerning the mines. Kelley and associates located the Rancho Rafael, Alejandro, and Ejido Cardenas mine areas, but, as importantly, correctly identified them as to function: mines instead of cavernas. However, except for brief surveys of the more prominent sections of the mining areas, no concentrated work was started until the spring of 1965 when the author returned to sample, map, trench, and survey the mine complexes. The results of that short season and former work and observations in the mining areas are summarized below. TEMPORAL PLACEMENT OF THE MINES IN THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SEQUENCE Gamio (1910) assumed immediately that the cavernas he observed belonged to what later became termed the Chalchihuites culture (Mason 1937). However, the area was regarded as a Postclassic, peripheral Mesoamerican culture until recently. Kelley's work has added greatly to the refinement of the understanding of the area's archaeological sequence, and the following remarks are for the most part based on his observations (Kelley and Abbott 1964; Kelley, personal communications). The dates given below are based in part on radiocarbon determinations. It is believed that a Mesoamerican expansion from the south, beginning around A.D. 100, brought a group of neolithic agriculturalists into the Chalchihuites region. Apparently, this was a folk culture without a highly developed ceremonial complex and without much evidence of internal societal stratification. Simple court and platform habitations were scattered throughout the area concerned, and no discernible indications of sociopolitical boundaries can be found. However, the evidence indicates that ca. A.D. 350 another Mesoamerican expansion into the area, especially the Rio Colorado drainage, occurred. This new influence most likely represents emanations from Classic Teotihuacan (see Table 1). Pottery styles changed noticeably. The construction of the open, unfortified politico-ceremonial site of Alta Vista was accomplished, and a great expansion of population occurred. Semifortified, hilltop sites with low retaining walls and ceremonial structures (such as El Chapin and Pedragoso) probably were built at this time. These strongholds undoubtedly served a dual purpose: to defend the settlements and their resources against other social groups ("Chichimecs" and probably other sedentary peoples), and to insure the continued predominance of the new ruling lineages over the peasant agriculturalists. On the available evidence, we also believe that the mines were opened, or at least radically expanded, during this occupation and indeed may be the primary reason for the colonization proper. Slightly later, the Rio Suchil Valley experienced a similar expansion and societal change. Moc-

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A living site including human bones, bone midden, and artifacts has been discovered in sediments of mid-Pinedale age at the Marmes Rockshelter archaeological site in southeastern Washington as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Abstract A living-site including human bones, bone midden, and artifacts has been discovered in sediments of mid-Pinedale age at the Marmes Rockshelter archaeological site in southeastern Washington. Radiocarbon dates, from sediments overlying the buried flood-plain surface on which these bones occur, show them to be older than 11,000 years. Geomorphic relationships suggest that the site may be younger than about 13,000 years.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a review of the prehistory of the poorly known region of the central Little Colorado basin of northeastern Arizona has been provided, and a regional sequence of considerable complexity is established beginning with a Clovis-Folsom horizon and culminating in Pueblo IV (see Table 1).
Abstract: Abstract Recent excavation by the Museum of Northern Arizona has provided a basis for a review of the prehistory of the poorly known region of the central Little Colorado basin of northeastern Arizona. A regional sequence of considerable complexity is established beginning with a Clovis-Folsom horizon and culminating in Pueblo IV (see Table 1). An amalgam of Anasazi and Mogollon traditions with a dominant Kayenta base is apparent as early as Basketmaker III. The introduction of Little Colorado White ware, beginning about A.D. 1075, signals the beginning of the Winslow branch, a distinguishable regional Anasazi variant, lasting until the abandonment of much of this desert region in the mid-13th century. The archaeological distinctiveness of the region is apparently due to its location between the Anasazi and Mogollon area and the necessary adaptations to the arid, basin environment.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In 1963, the Glenbow Foundation excavated a bison bone bed exposed at a water hole in southern Alberta near the Montana border, and age estimates grounded in geology place the bone bed between 7,000 and 11,000 years ago as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In 1963, the Glenbow Foundation excavated a bison bone bed exposed at a water hole in southern Alberta near the Montana border. Age estimates grounded in geology place the bone bed between 7,000 and 11,000 years ago. Projectile points at the Fletcher site include the Alberta and Scottsbluff types. Other artifacts suggest that the site was not only a kill but also a butchering station. The heavy emphasis on bison here, as well as at nearly all related sites in the northern Great Plains, makes it clear that Fletcher properly belongs to the Paleo-Indian big-game hunting continuum rather than to the Archaic stage.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Vista Shelter, on the northwestern margin of the Ozark Highlands in southwestern Missouri, is identified as a hunting station of the prehistoric Mississippian Steed-Kisker focus as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Vista Shelter, on the northwestern margin of the Ozark Highlands in southwestern Missouri, is identified as a hunting station of the prehistoric Mississippian Steed-Kisker focus. This shelter, suitably located for the exploitation of water-dwelling, forest, and prairie-dwelling species, was used by small groups engaged in deer and bison hunts in prairie areas far removed from their riverine settlements near present-day Kansas City. The bone frequencies at the site suggest that animals were killed nearby, cuts of meat were taken to the shelter and processed, and dried meat was returned home. This hunting station helps explain the rarity of refuse bone in the permanent villages, since many animals were butchered and processed far from the home villages. These conclusions are related to prairie and plains hunting and butchering patterns, and the significance of food bone in archaeological sites is thereby emphasized.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the use of microscopes for the analysis of lithic technology and functional interpretations has increased in recent years, and some minerals and rocks are more suitable than others for these studies.
Abstract: Abstract Interest in the use of microscopes for the analysis of lithic technology and functional interpretations has increased in recent years. Some minerals and rocks are more suitable than others for these studies. In order to communicate the observations made through the microscope, the archaeologist can use the microscope to take photomicrographs using relatively simple and inexpensive equipment.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the summer of 1953, the Texas Memorial Museum of Austin, Texas, conducted scientific excavations of a Paleo-Indian bison kill near Milnesand, New Mexico as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In the summer of 1953 the Texas Memorial Museum of Austin, Texas, conducted scientific excavations of a Paleo-Indian bison kill near Milnesand, New Mexico. After the departure of this group from the site, a large number of artifacts were collected from the bison bone bed by Ted Williamson of Milnesand, New Mexico. Because of the site's importance and the paucity of culturally related sites, a detailed description of the artifacts collected by Williamson is considered to be of immense value to specialists in the Paleo-Indian field.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, Stuckenrath, Coe, and Ralph presented a method to determine the validity of radiocarbon determinations utilizing the finely dispersed organic content of ceramic materials and wattle-and-daub house construction materials.
Abstract: Radiocarbon determinations on a series of low-carboncontent ceramic and wattle-and-daub samples were made to determine the validity of radiocarbon dates based on these types of sample materials. Good agreement between radiocarbon dates obtained from the ceramic samples and from charcoal samples stratigraphically associated with the ceramics suggests that radiocarbon dates obtained on low-carbon-content ceramic materials are reliable if appropriate precautions are observed. The confidence which can be placed on radiocarbon dates obtained on wattle-and-daub sample materials is, at present, somewhat less secure. Problems in the use of these sample materials are discussed. THE MAJORITY of radiocarbon determinations of archaeological interest have been performed on organic materials assumed to be coeval in time with the archaeological event or feature for which temporal placement was being sought. One of the more obvious explanations for anomalous radiocarbon dates has been the suggestion that the organic materials utilized for the determination were incorrectly associated with the event for which a date was desired. This problem has been recently labeled the "Placement History" (PH) variable in the analysis of radiocarbon determinations (Stuckenrath, Coe, and Ralph 1966: 373). The problem of "association" in obtaining radiocarbon determination on ceramic materials is of particular interest to a number of archaeologists. Unfortunately, thermoluminescence dating of ceramics at the present time is sometimes confronted with unresolved questions (Tite 1967). In the absence of a fully operational TL dating technique, a few workers have attempted to circumvent the "placement history" variable for ceramics by obtaining radiocarbon dates directly on a specific organic component of the sherd materials. Radiocarbon determinations based on sherds of a particular pottery type, of course, could only establish the date of that particular ceramic and would not necessarily date the stratigraphic level or context from which the ceramic was obtained. Thus, the "association" problem, strictly speaking, would remain. Normally, however, a sherdlot would be less likely to become disassociated from its primary context than a single piece of organic matter, e.g., wood or charcoal. Previous workers have attempted to test the validity of radiocarbon dates on sherd materials by performing tests on sherd and wood, charcoal, or other organic-material pairs. The published data from these studies have been summarized in Table 1. It would seem that the small number of previous determinations and the variety of organic m:taterial utilized make it difficult to come to any definite conclusion as to the general validity of this type of sample material. This present study was conducted in an effort to determine the validity of radiocarbon determinations utilizing the finely dispersed organic content of ceramic materials and wattle-anddaub house construction materials where no appreciable quantities of organic matter can be readily detected. It was hoped that carbon deposits from incomplete combustion of cookingTABLE 1. PREVIOUS RADIOCARBON MEASUREMENTS OF STRATIGRAPHICALLY ASSOCIATED SHERD AND

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the National Museum of Canada, a fragment of a single-piece curved shellfish was found at a depth of 8 ft. in a waterhole in southeastern Saskatchewan, immediately south of an ice frontal position dated at about 10,000 years ago as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: A fossilized bone projectile point has recently been recognized in the collections of the National Museum of Canada. The point was found at a depth of 8 ft. in a waterhole in southeastern Saskatchewan, immediately south of an ice frontal position dated at about 10,000 years ago. The implement is described on the basis of microscopic and macroscopic examination, and similarities to other specimens with early associations are noted. THE ARTIFACT to be described here, a projectile point or dart foreshaft of fossilized bone, was donated to the National Museum of Canada in the early 1900's. Although the original discoverer, Lt. Col. P. G. B. Lake, considered it important enough to send to the National Museum, no comparable specimens were then known, and there is no record of attempts made to identify it; the specimen remained unnoticed in the collections until recently discovered again by W. N. Irving. Although this is an isolated find without known associations, its resemblance to other bone projectile points which came from early contexts appears to warrant publishing a brief description. I , CARLETON L. echanical Aspects of the Single-Piece Curved Shell Fish. The Kroeber Anthrop logical Society Papers, No. 34, . 7-29. Berkeley. , EORGE C. ertain Artifacts from San Migue Island. Indian Notes FIG. 1 [WILMETH]. Southern Saskatchewan, showing position of Grenfel site relative to McCord and Prelate localities (Kehoe 1966, Fig. 1) and to Ice Frontal Position No. 5 (Christiansen 1965). According to the catalog description, the artifact was presented to the museum by Lt. Col. Lake, who found it on his property near Grenfel, Saskatchewan, while excavating a waterhole in a large dry slough. The donor listed the following strata uncovered in the course of his digging: (1) two or three feet of decayed vegetation; (2) two or three feet of bluish clay; (3) a layer of small shells; (4) soil in which the remains of bullrushes were visible. In this level the bone point was found at a depth of 8 ft. The area in which the artifact was found (Fig. 1) is gently rolling ground moraine south of the Qu'Appelle River, a zone consisting of till with minor amounts of sand and gravel and including many small shallow meltwater channels. Just to the north is the Glacial Lake Indian Head Basin, lying on both sides of the Qu'Appelle, while immediately east of the site area is the Grenfel end moraine with a large meltwater channel along its south side (Christiansen 1960: 14 and PI. I). In addition, the area is immediately south of Christiansen's Ice Frontal Position No. 5, which he dates at about 8050 B.c. (Christiansen 1965). Commenting on Col. Lake's description of the stratigraphy, he (Christiansen, personal communication, 1966) notes that the sediment appears to be part of a postglacial slough deposit formed in a kettle, a type of deposit common in southern Saskatchewan. The implement (Fig. 2) has a slender cigar shape, with one end broken and the other tapering to a blunt point. Longitudinal striations are visible over the entire surface, while the area within about 5 mm. of the dull point bears transverse scratches. Microscopic examination shows that the striations do not result from abrasion. Rather, the longitudinal ones were produced by a spoke shave, while the transverse cuts result from shaping with a flint knife (Fig. 3). This end has been thinned by whittling, presumably for hafting. The length of the section remaining , i elate I l siti i as . l. , it , ile e cal . liste is i i : i ; ( ) ll s lls; ( ) ?? 100 [ VOL. 33, No. 1, 1968 This content downloaded from 207.46.13.11 on Wed, 10 Aug 2016 06:28:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Muskeeta Cove 2 is a stratified, two-component Woodland site on the north shore of Long Island in Nassau County, New York as mentioned in this paper, and it has been identified as an early segment of the Windsor tradition, most probably its North Beach focus.
Abstract: Muskeeta Cove 2 is a stratified, two-component Woodland site on the north shore of Long Island in Glen Cove, Nassau County, New York. The earlier occupation, in the upper 6 in. of a glacial sand zone, is attributed, on the evidence of its ceramic content, to the earlier segment of the Windsor tradition, most probably its North Beach focus. The second occupation, in a thin layer of black midden earth and shell overlying the sand, is more difficult to identify culturally. By many criteria, most of its pottery can be assigned to the Bowmans Brook focus of the East River tradition, but this assemblage is most distinctive for the disconcerting way in which it blends Bowmans Brook ceramic traits with those of the contemporary Sebonac (Windsor) and Canandaigua (Owasco) foci -often on the same sherds. This mixture of traits has prompted the suggestion that, in this boundary region at least, the generally accepted invasion-replacement relationship between East River and Windsor must be reexamined. After analysis of the pottery from this site, in which the distributions of individual modes as well as their combinations into whole types are considered, a new hypothesis is tentatively advanced: Early East River pottery is seen as the result of the blending of Sebonac, Canandaigua, and central New Jersey decorative modes on vessels with the constricted necks and elongateglobular bodies that were the dominant formal horizon markers throughout the entire region at this time level. Diffusion, rather than invasion, would appear to be the central process here. THE MUSKEETA COVE site (OYB 2-3, formerly designated NAS II) is located in Glen Cove, Nassau County, Long Island (40?51'30" N. Lat.; 73?38'50" W. Long.), near the north bank of Glen Cove Creek, a tidal waterway which enters the east side of Hempstead Harbor about 1,000 ft. southwest of the site. It lies between 10 and 35 ft. above mean sea level, at the foot of a hill which rises sharply to the north to a maximum elevation of 120 ft. (Fig. 1). The Muskeeta Cove vicinity was evidently an ideal one from the aboriginal point of view. The creek and connecting waterways offered a wide variety of fish and shellfish resources, and the wooded hill provided land flora and fauna as well as shelter from the winds blowing off Long Island Sound. As might be expected, the area has yielded evidence of a number of different prehistoric culture complexes. The Garvie Point site (OYB 1-3), on the bluff at the junction of Glen Cove Creek and Hempstead Harbor less than a quarter of a mile to the west of the Muskeeta Cove site, yielded an assemblage of Archaic materials (Patterson 1955). The Glen Cove Creek site, about the same distance to the southeast on the edge of Glen Cove Creek, is currently (1967) being excavated, and it also contains one or more Archaic components. Excavation Unit 1 at Muskeeta Cove itself, dug by Patterson between 1953 and 1955 (Patterson 1956), provided the first example of an Orient culture living-site to be found on Long Island, as well as a ceramic complex that was analyzed and briefly reported upon by McKusick (1956). The excavations discussed in this report were carried out at a point about 20 ft. lower in elevation and a short distance southwest of the originally excavated area. This locality has been designated "Muskeeta Cove 2." Work on this second unit was begun in 1963 by Patterson and a group of graduate students and was continued in 1964, 1965, and 1966 by Columbia University field classes, under my direction. The excavated area was relatively small, measuring approximately 20 by 35 ft., and it was limited to what was evidently the inland edge of a larger site of unknown extent, whose more southerly portion lies under (or has been destroyed by) the Garvie Point Road (Fig. 2). Although excavation units 1 and 2 were only about 240 ft. apart, their stratigraphic profiles seem to have been quite different. The deposit at the first locality was evidently deeper, more complex, and harder to follow (McKusick 1956). Muskeeta Cove 2, on the other hand, was a relatively simple, two-occupation site, with quite clearly defined layers, both dating from Woodland times. Its importance, therefore, stems from the fact that it provides us with two separate and distinct cultural samples in clear stratigraphic relationship to each other.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Anc6n C is a well-known archaeological site in the Andean coast of Peru as discussed by the authors, which represents the timespan from preceramic through the end of the Formative period.
Abstract: The well-known archaeological site at Anc6n, Peru, represents the timespan from preceramic through the end of the Formative period. Recent investigations have permitted definition of five ceramic phases, of which Anc6n C is of particular interest here because it marks the appearance of zoned and unzoned painted decoration. These techniques were added to the preexisting ceramic complex, characterized by limited frequency of decoration by incision. A burial equating with Anc6n C contained a variety of grave goods, including a complete olla with zoned red decoration, covered with a basket and containing among other objects a wooden figurine with articulated arms. The estimated date is around 1200 B.C. These associations expand the definition of the cultural complex on the central Peruvian coast in the pre-Chavin period and raise questions about the origin and diffusion of the traits, which have also been reported from Ecuador, Colombia, Panama, and Mesoamerica. A NCON IS the name of a beach resort located on a bay 35 km. north of Lima, at 11?55' south latitude and 77 10' west longitude. The location is well known in Andean archaeology as a result of the work of Reiss and Stubel (1880), Uhle (1912), Strong (1925), Willey and Corbett (1954), Tello (1960), Carrion Cachot (1948), Tabio (1965), Lanning (1960), Patterson (1966), and others. On the basis of existing information, it is possible to reconstruct the culture history of Ancon over the past 10,000 years and to demonstrate that this has been a strategic zone, a center of convergence and diffusion of cultural elements. In different periods, traits have been introduced from the highlands, the forests, and the northern and southern coasts (Matos 1962). The discovery of a ceramic phase with predominantly painted decoration among the early pottery types and styles is of considerable importance both in view of the cultural context and of its antiquity. Although the early pottery of the Central Andes is generally characterized by its monochrome color and plastic decoration, some sites have produced painted vessels in stratigraphic and typological contexts that place them much earlier than the diffusion of Chavin. From where did they come, and how were they diffused? We are not yet in a position to provide specific answers. Present distributional evidence shows early painted pottery to be absent on the north coast, sporadic on the central coast, and to attain its highest development on the south coast during the Middle and Late periods. The purpose of the present contribution is to describe a painted-pottery complex at Ancon, which stratigraphically precedes the spread of classic Chavin art on the central coast. Its antiquity can be documented by a brief discussion of the excavations, ceramic sequence, and a burial representing the painted-pottery phase.