Showing papers in "British Journal of Canadian Studies in 2017"
Journal Article•
TL;DR: The final report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) has been published in six volumes and 3053 pages as mentioned in this paper, covering not only the history and activities of those running and controlling the residential schools (IRS) but also the history of the relations between Indigenous peoples and settlers since the time of first contact.
Abstract: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, Canada's Residential Schools: The Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, Volumes 1-6, plus summary in French (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press/Native and Northern Series, 2015).Volume 1: Canada's Residential Schools: The History, Part 1, Origins to 1939. 978 pp. Paper. £29.99. ISBN 978-0-7735-4650-9.Volume 1: Canada's Residential Schools: The History, Part 2, 1939-2000, 824 pp. Paper. £29.99. ISBN 978-0-7735-4652-3.Volume 2: Canada's Residential Schools: The Inuit and Northern Experience, 266 pp. Paper. £20.99. ISBN 978-0-7735-4654-7.Volume 3: Canada's Residential Schools: The Metis Experience. 88 pp. Paper. £14.99. ISBN 978-0-7735-4656-1.Volume 4: Canada's Residential Schools: Missing Children and Unmarked Burials. 272 pp. Paper. £20.99. ISBN 978-0-7735-4658-5.Volume 5: Canada's Residential Schools: The Legacy. 272 pp. Paper. £21.99. ISBN 978-0-7735-4660-8.Volume 6: Canada's Residential Schools: Reconciliation. 296 pp. Paper. £20.99. ISBN 978-0-7735-4622-2.Honorer la Verite, reconcilier pour l'avenir: Sommaire du Rapport final de la Commission de verite et reconciliation du Canada. 592 pp. £20.99. ISBN 978-0-7735-4670-7.Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, Volume 1: Summary, Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future (Toronto: James Lorimer & Company Limited, 2015), 536 pp. Paper. $22.95. ISBN 978-1-4594-1067.In his introduction to this long-awaited Report, Chair Justice Murray Sinclair describes the Indian Residential Schools system as 'one of the darkest, most troubling chapters in our nation's history', especially, he continues, because 'its target and its victims were the most vulnerable of our society: little children'. The most important finding of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) is that this programme amounted to cultural genocide. It was an attempt to wipe out the Indigenous way of life and culture in Canada and involved many broken lives and many deaths.In six volumes and 3053 pages, the report covers not only the history and activities of those running and controlling the residential schools (IRS) but also the history of the relations between Indigenous peoples and settlers since the time of first contact. It describes the TRC and its Report as the beginning, not the conclusion, of the reconciliation process and looks to the future with its 94 Calls to Action to the governments and churches who perpetrated this crime against humanity. The TRC calls on the federal government to implement the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples immediately, since, it declares, without radical action, the apologies to IRS survivors given in 2010 are worthless.The TRC was not a Royal Commission. It came into being as a provision in the IRS Settlement Agreement of 2005, which was a private agreement settling claims for all living survivors who had spent any time in these schools together with additional compensation for physical, mental and sexual abuse suffered. The government set aside $C1.9 billion to settle these claims. However, the terms of reference for the TRC reflected its status as part of a private settlement in that they had no powers to subpoena witnesses and were prohibited from naming the perpetrators or implying that they were involved in any criminal activity. Needless to say, this has led to criticisms that the Report does not go far enough, does not tell the full truth, and that it is a whitewash (see, for example, Kevin Annett, Murder by Decree: The Crime of Genocide in Canada, [Toronto and Brussels, ITDC, 2016]). And yet the main criticisms that it does not deal fully with the fate of murdered and disappeared children and that incriminating government documents were deliberately withheld by the Commission are fully met in the detail of the report. …
124 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, a case study of water insecurity demonstrates how neo-liberalism props up and legitimises decentralised water governance in Canada, which in turn promotes and maintains environmental inequality, Indigenous marginalisation and, ultimately, the Canadian identity.
Abstract: With the exception of First Nations, Metis, and Inuit people, most Canadians enjoy water security. Indigenous people are ninety times more likely than other Canadians to lack piped water. These disparities result from and maintain the colonial relationship between Canada and Indigenous peoples. As displaced people with values often in opposition to neo-liberalism, Indigenous people present an existential threat to Canadian identity, this identity having been created around possession of a vast land that extends to the North Pole, and subsequent heavy resource extraction throughout this land. To maintain Canada’s national identity and the activities that support it, Indigenous people have to be pushed to the figurative and literal fringes and rendered invisible. Five short case studies of water insecurity demonstrate how neo-liberalism props up and legitimises decentralised water governance in Canada, which in turn promotes and maintains environmental inequality, Indigenous marginalisation and, ultimately, the Canadian identity.
Abstract: A l’exception des peuples des Premieres Nations, des Metis et des Inuits, la plupart des Canadiens beneficient de la securite de l’eau. Les peuples indigenes ont quatre-vingt-dix fois plus de chances que les autres Canadiens de manquer d’eau courante. Ces disparites sont le resultat et maintiennent la relation coloniale entre le Canada et les peuples indigenes. En tant que populations deplacees ayant des valeurs souvent en opposition au neoliberalisme, les peuples indigenes presentent une menace existentielle a l’identite canadienne, cette identite ayant ete creee autour de la possession d’un vaste pays qui s’etend jusqu’au Pole Nord, et la forte extraction ulterieure de ressources a travers tout le pays. Afin de maintenir l’identite nationale du Canada et les activites qui la soutiennent, les peuples indigenes ont ete repousses vers les marges figurees et litterales et ont etes rendus invisibles. Cinq courtes etudes de cas d’insecurite de l’eau demontrent comment le neoliberalisme soutient et legitime la gouvernance decentralisee de l’eau au Canada, qui a son tour promeut et maintient l’inegalite environnementale, la marginalisation indigene, et, finalement, l’identite canadienne.
26 citations
TL;DR: The authors examines key areas that require consideration for language revitalization efforts and reveals the intergenerational legacy of cultural and language harms, which goes beyond language loss from the residential school era.
Abstract: Since the late 1800s, Canada’s educational system has played a significant role in the destruction of Indigenous languages. The most notable examples are found in residential school policy. The erosion of Indigenous languages continues to occur in the provincial school system today. In spite of the detrimental role educational policy and institutions have had on Indigenous cultures, they now have a critical role to play in the revitalization of Indigenous languages since few Indigenous children are able to learn their languages at home. This article examines key areas that require consideration for language revitalization efforts. The article is based partly on personal reflection to reveal the intergenerational legacy of cultural and language harms. Statements regarding the abuses survivors experienced for speaking their languages will emphasise a number of issues that go beyond language loss from the residential school era.
13 citations
TL;DR: The authors examined the connection between residential school survivorship and patterns of chronic disease risk among Indigenous peoples in Canada and found that high prevalence of metabolic risk factors among Indigenous people in Canada may be directly associated with the nutritional deprivations experienced by children in residential schools.
Abstract: Recent studies of residential school survivors and their families focus on the impact of school experiences on the social determinants of health, especially mental health. Less studied is the connection between residential school survivorship and patterns of chronic disease risk among Indigenous peoples in Canada. Narrative accounts, supported by archival records on school food service, provide consistent evidence that children who attended Canada’s Indian residential schools experienced chronic undernutrition characterised by insufficient caloric intake, minimal protein and fat, and limited access to fresh produce, often over a period of five to ten years. When examined in the light of literature on the intergenerational effects of twentieth-century famines, this evidence suggests that high prevalence of metabolic risk factors among Indigenous peoples in Canada may be directly associated with the nutritional deprivations experienced by children in residential schools.
10 citations
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on the history of Niagara-on-the-Lake and the Shaw Festival, focusing on the efforts to create a historical narrative that established the importance of Indigenous peoples and contested the forms of colonial knowledge that placed them outside of the historical time of the nation.
Abstract: twentieth century, but Morgan insists that Carnochan was set apart by ‘the wider range of her interests, her sustained and close attention to archival detail and her love of research, and her insistence on the centrality of a particular place, not just events, to the past’ (p. 55). Morgan returns to the history of Niagara-on-the-Lake in the fourth chapter, examining how the Niagara Parks Commission, the Ontario Ministry of Tourism, the local government and various residents of the town laboured to establish Niagara-on-theLake as a tourist destination and to create for it ‘an identity that managed and married landscape, history, and culture’ (p. 113). Today, Niagara-on-the-Lake is best known as the site of the Shaw Festival, and Morgan has some interesting material on the controversies that accompanied the establishment of the Festival, although not as much as one would like about how the Festival affected the town’s historical identity. It also seems strange to end the story of Niagara-on-the-Lake in the 1970s, given that the town was one of the places centrally involved in the recent 200th anniversary commemorations of the War of 1812. The middle chapters deal with a very different theme – the efforts to create a historical narrative that established the importance of Indigenous peoples and contested ‘the forms of colonial knowledge that placed them outside of the historical time of the nation’ (p. 61). Chapter 2 focuses on two Six Nations historians, Elliott Moses and Milton Martin, ‘two civilized Indian men’ who approached the history of their people from very different perspectives (p. 175), illustrating the point that debates over history ‘take place between colonized people themselves, not just colonizer and colonized’ (p. 78). Chapter 3 examines the efforts of a sympathetic white woman, Celia B. File, who taught at the Mohawk school at Tyendinaga and produced an insightful memoir of her experiences, to ensure that the history of the Iroquois people in southern Ontario was not forgotten. Morgan’s efforts to link together her four studies in her conclusion are not entirely successful but the book still offers a wealth of new and original insights into the role of place and of the importance of local historians in the construction of history. Phillip Buckner, Professor Emeritus, University of New Brunswick
10 citations
TL;DR: The animal welfare movement in Canada dates back to the mid-nineteenth century as mentioned in this paper, when a caribou was shot at by persons paying one dollar each shot, at a distance of 500 yards.
Abstract: IntroductionOn 17 February 1859, there appeared in Quebec City's Morning Chronicle newspaper the following advertisement:On Tuesday next.... TWO CARIBOUS will be on the Ice, opposite the City - tied with a rope about 25 or 30 fathoms long - and shot at by persons paying one dollar each shot, and at a distance of 500 yards. A subscription list will be taken round for subscribers. For further information apply to GOSSELIN & LARUE, 17, Palace Street. ('Sporting Intelligence' 1859: 2)Sensational, entertainment-based activities involving animals were nothing new in British North America. By this time, Andrew Downs had been working on his zoological garden in Halifax for a decade, Montreal's Guilbault Gardens had long been drawing crowds to view its collection of wild and exotic animals, and local papers across Britain's North American colonies routinely whetted popular appetites with announcements of circuses, fairs, and travelling exhibitions (Buggey 2003; Gaudet 2009). In most cases the animals at the centre of these spectacles survived - miserably, no doubt - from one viewing to the next. But this was not a given, and in cases such as that of the caribou above, the addition of violence and death did much to underscore tensions between popular culture and that of the colonies' growing number of respectable middle-class inhabitants. This too was nothing new. When for example a hotel owner in Niagara Falls staged a publicity stunt in 1827 involving a mock pirate schooner, a buffalo, two bears, two foxes, a raccoon, a dog, a cat, and four geese, critics' views competed with those of an audience of ten thousand who turned out to witness the animals' watery descent.1 Less sensational but equally problematic for such critics were countless acts of commonplace cruelty: from cockfighting, to carters beating horses on city streets, to the living, working, and slaughter conditions of cattle and other livestock. Inevitably, these and other acts of cruelty would continue to occur long after Gosselin and Larue set their plan in place. But changes were nevertheless coming. From this point on, British North America and, soon, Canada, would see the development of state policy and civil society frameworks aimed directly at preventing these and other forms of cruelty and maltreatment (Ingram 2013; see also Castonguay and Kinsey 2009; Turner 1980; Harrison 1982; Ritvo 1987; Kean 1998; Beers 2006; Pearson 2011).Challenging the cruel treatment of animals was the stuff of the animal welfare movement, one of the oldest and in some regards most successful social movements of the modern era. In Canada, that movement took shape in the 1860s, via the efforts of upper- and middle-class men and women in cities across the continent who formed various non-governmental organisations (NGOs) directed toward animal welfare, who participated in the development of state policy, and who otherwise advocated for the amelioration of animals' lives.2 Underpinning that work was an understanding throughout the latter decades of the century that the protection of animals was at some level a national project - that, to borrow Gandhi's now cliche comment to be found on bumper stickers, T-shirts, and animal welfare and rights websites worldwide, one can judge a society by the way it treats its animals. In order to situate the animal welfare movement in Canada relative to the nation-building efforts of the nineteenth century and the federal government's assumption of responsibility in this area, this article follows the movement during its formative decades. Beginning with the establishment in the 1860s of the first animal welfare organisations that aspired to a pan-colonial identity, it traces the ongoing efforts and ultimately the failure during the 1890s to establish a national organisation that would bring together dozens of NGOs located in urban centres across the nation. Through an analysis of legislation, parliamentary records, and published and archival NGO materials, I argue that the national and colonial dimensions that underpinned Confederation were key to the establishment of the animal welfare movement in Canada, both in terms of federal policy and state formation as well as its civil society contexts. …
8 citations
TL;DR: The authors examined how sport, recreation, and physical activity practices were represented in the Indian School Bulletin, a newsletter that was published by the Indian Affairs Branch from 1946 to 1957 to provide guidance and instruction for the teachers in its residential school system.
Abstract: This article examines how sport, recreation, and physical activity practices were represented in the Indian School Bulletin, a newsletter that was published by the Indian Affairs Branch from 1946 to 1957 to provide guidance and instruction for the teachers in its residential school system. During this time, the Branch made organised, competitive physical activities a primary site for the advancement of its assimilationist programmes and used the Bulletin to communicate its policy priorities to the teachers, who were to foster involvement in such activities whenever possible. Findings from this article acknowledge the colonising impacts of sports and recreation while highlighting the complexities stemming from those impacts, in particular, narratives about the ‘positives’ of sports and residential schooling.
8 citations
TL;DR: Following the election of the separatist Parti Quebecois (PQ) to a minority government in September 2012, the federal New Democratic Party (NDP), which had used a large number of first-time victories in Quebec to help propel them to a record number of seats and the status of Official Opposition in the federal election the previous year, was forced by the media to clarify its position on Quebec sovereignty.
Abstract: Following the election of the separatist Parti Quebecois (PQ) to a minority government in September 2012, the federal New Democratic Party (NDP), which had used a large number of first-time victories in Quebec to help propel them to a record number of seats and the status of Official Opposition in the federal election the previous year, was forced by the media to clarify its position on Quebec sovereignty. The official policy had been drafted in 2005 under then-leader Jack Layton in what became known as the Sherbrooke Declaration; it stated that the party would support Quebec's claim to independence if a majority of voters, or 50 per cent plus one, voted in favour in a referendum. The media, however, claimed that this position seemed to 'run counter to the federal Clarity Act, which was passed into law in 2000. It says negotiations leading to the secession of Quebec from Canada could take place only after a referendum result with a "clear majority", as determined by the House of Commons' (Galloway 2012). Federal NDP leader Thomas Mulcair, referencing the Clarity Act rather than the Sherbrooke Declaration, later admitted that a 50 per cent plus one vote would require the federal government to negotiate but not necessarily accept independence (Macpherson 2012). Yet in January 2013, the NDP tabled a private member's bill in the House of Commons that attempted to put 'clarity back into the "Clarity Act"' (Pfeffer 2013); the so-called Unity Bill 'would see the federal government enter into negotiations after a simple majority vote on a clear question' (Macfarlane 2013). While these attempts to clarify the NDP's position and establish a process by which to negotiate sovereignty perhaps did not satisfy anyone, they nevertheless highlight the struggle the NDP has had addressing nationalist sentiment in Quebec.As a social democratic party that takes seriously government intervention and involvement as a way to improve the lives of Canadians, and as an explicitly federalist political party that has historically viewed the unity of the country as imperative to progress, nationalist sentiment remains a difficult issue. Yet in the late 1960s and early 1970s, as separatism gained support within Quebec, one group within the NDP sought to acknowledge these ideas while at the same time promoting a different Canadian nationalism. This group, which came to be known as the Waffle, recognised the 'existence of two nations within Canada, each with its own language, culture and aspiration', and insisted that '[a]n English Canada concerned with its own national survival would create common aspirations that would help tie the two nations together once more'. Concerned with the increasing dominance and influence of the United States over Canada, they argued that the country could maintain unity if it adopted socialism and acknowledged that Canada was comprised of two nations ('For an Independent Socialist Canada' 1969). Yet members of the Waffle also recognised Quebec's right to self-determination; they insisted that all people, including Quebeckers, should have the right to make their own decisions free from external force or influence. These positions proved to be enormously controversial and divisive at the time. Nevertheless, the Waffle played an important role in the ongoing struggles within the NDP to develop a position regarding Quebec sovereignty and self-determination.Time for reassessment: literature on the NDP and QuebecShockingly little scholarly attention has been paid to the history and development of the New Democratic Party. Monographs by Desmond Morton (1974, 1986), Ivan Avakumovic (1978), Norman Penner (1992), and Alan Whitehorn (1992) chronicle the existence of socialism in Canada, the emergence of the NDP, and the evolution of the party. As well, there are biographies and autobiographies of varying quality on many of the major players in the NDP that provide further insight into the evolution of social democracy in Canada (see Lewis 1981; MacDonald 1998; Shackleton 1975; Smith 1989; and Stewart 2003). …
7 citations
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TL;DR: In this article, Bouchard's contentions will resonate in several European states where, in response to diversity, there is a need to both recognise the cultural distinctiveness of the host society and the need for integration.
Abstract: While substantively this book is based on debates in Quebec and Canada, it deserves to be read widely. In other words, this is essential reading for anyone interested in a key question facing both Quebec and Canada. However, Bouchard’s contentions will resonate in several European states where, in response to diversity, there is a need to both recognise the cultural distinctiveness of the host society and the need for integration. James Kennedy, University of Edinburgh
TL;DR: This paper used an archival understanding of residential school photography to examine student experiences in sport and recreation at residential schools, using photographs from the Rev. Father William Maurice Fonds at the Shingwauk Residential Schools Centre.
Abstract: Photographs are some of the most visceral archival sources relating to the legacy of residential schools. Residential school images can be used to supplement textual records when creating historical narratives, as tools for sparking conversation and memory, and as the start of community healing. Images of sport and recreation at residential schools provide insight into the school experience, student life, and dynamics of power within the school system. This article uses an archival understanding of residential school photography to examine student experiences in sport and recreation at residential schools. Using photographs from the Rev. Father William Maurice Fonds at the Shingwauk Residential Schools Centre, this article addresses the challenges associated with present-day usage of residential school photographs, the ways in which these photographs can contribute to ongoing discussions about healing and reconciliation, and the use of archival photographs within the residential school survivor community.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors compare the results of an expert survey to a set of new objective measures on the same group of leaders to help identify underrated leaders and overlooked measures, and conclude that the problems presented by all three challenges can lead to respondents relying heavily on subjective reputation.
Abstract: Three main challenges for research design of political leadership ranking studies are: (1) reliability of respondents, (2) reliability of measurements, and (3) comparison of subjects over different time periods. The problems presented by all three challenges can lead to respondents relying heavily on subjective reputation. It is easy to assume that overlooked and underrated leaders are repeatedly left behind as they are routinely labelled in ranking exercises as ‘middle of the pack’ or ‘adequate’. To help identify underrated leaders and overlooked measures, this article compares the results of an expert survey to a set of new objective measures on the same group of leaders.
Trois defis principaux dans la conception de recherche dans les etudes de classement d’ascendance politique sont: 1) la fiabilite des sondes; 2) la fiabilite des mesures; et 3) la comparaison de sujets sur differentes periodes de temps. Les problemes presentes par ces trois defis peuvent impliquer que les sondes se reposent largement sur la reputation subjective. Il est facile de presupposer que les dirigeants ignores et sous-estimes sont constamment mis de cote car ils sont regulierement qualifies dans les exercices de classement comme ‘milieu du lot’ ou ‘acceptables’. Afin d’aider a identifier les dirigeants sous-estimes et les mesures negligees, cet article compare les resultats d’une etude experte visant a definir de nouvelles mesures objectives sur le meme groupe de dirigeants.
TL;DR: In the First World War, 25 Canadian members of the federal Parliament and provincial legislatures recruited infantry battalions from their constituency as discussed by the authors, however, the majority of the units were broken up and most of the former commanders were denied front-line positions due to age and unfitness.
Abstract: During the First World War, 25 Canadian members of the federal Parliament and provincial legislatures recruited infantry battalions from their constituencies. Perceiving themselves to be Canada’s ‘natural leaders’, middle-aged parliamentary colonels believed prominence and success in public life exemplified the qualities of moral leadership and strong character necessary for military command. After landing in England, however, the vast majority of the units were broken up and most of the former commanders were denied front-line positions due to age and unfitness. This article details how the colonels coped with the loss of their battalions, which undermined their self-image as natural military leaders and challenged their masculine authority. Defending their reputations against accusations of cowardice and self-interest, the colonels were forced to reinterpret their sense of duty and manliness, thereby emphasising civic responsibility in place of battlefield service.
Abstract: Pendant la Premiere Guerre Mondiale, 25 membres canadiens du Parlement federal et des legislatures provinciales ont recrute des bataillons d’infanterie dans leurs circonscriptions. Se considerant comme les ‘dirigeants naturels’ du Canada, des colonels parlementaires d’âge moyen pensaient que la notoriete et la reussite politique illustraient les qualites de direction morale et de force de caractere necessaires au commandement militaire. Une fois arrives en Angleterre, pourtant, la grande majorite des unites ont ete demantelees et la plupart des anciens commandants se sont vus refuser les positions de front en raison de leur âge et de leur inaptitude. Cet article examine comment les colonels ont fait face a la perte de leurs bataillons, ce qui a eu pour consequence de saper leur confiance en eux en tant que dirigeants militaires naturels et defie leur autorite masculine. En defendant leur reputation contre les accusations de lâchete et d’interet personnel, ces colonels ont du reinterpreter leur sens du devoir et leur virilite, soulignant ainsi la responsabilite civique au lieu du service sur le champ de bataille.
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TL;DR: Christine Kim's and Augie Fleras's books as discussed by the authors examine the internal factors and consequences of immigration to Canada and multiculturalism through their analysis of minor publics, public spaces, and the intimacies they may produce.
Abstract: Augie Fieras, Immigration Canada: Evolving Realities and Emerging Challenges in a Postnational World (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2015), 544 pp. Cased. $95. ISBN 978-0-7748-2679-2. Paper. $39.95. ISBN 978-0-7748-2680-8.Christine Kim, The Minor Intimacies of Race: Asian Publics in North America (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2016), 200 pp. Cased. $95. ISBN 978-0-252-04013-9. Paper. $30. ISBN 978-0-252-08162-0.Christine Kim's and Augie Fleras's books enter into the multifarious conversation of Canadian multiculturalism and the possibility of a national identity. Kim examines the internal factors and consequences of immigration to Canada and multiculturalism through her analysis of minor publics, public spaces, and the intimacies they may produce. Fleras considers the current Canadian multicultural paradigm by tracing immigration patterns to Canada and the consequences of Canadian immigration policies and legislation.In The Minor Intimacies of Race, Kim sets up her work with an analysis of the Bank of Canada's attempts to feature an Asian female scientist on the $100 bill. As Kim relays, the Asian-looking scientist was not met with great favour by initial focus groups previewing the design, but rather the response was that an Asian-looking woman could hardly represent Canada or Canadian values (pp. 1-3). Kim uses this response to demonstrate how the politics of multicultural recognition does not necessarily permeate the nation to the degree to which multicultural rhetoric does. That is, although Canada has adopted official multicultural policies since the late 1970s, multicultural recognition in everyday interactions has not yet reached the masses (otherwise the Asian scientist on the bank note would not have been scrutinized for not properly representing Canada).Central to Kim's book is the idea of publics. Kim uses the concept of 'dominant publics' and 'minor publics' to highlight social intimacy and feeling involved in the construction of publics, but especially minor publics. The term 'Asian Canadian' tends to be a catchall term used to describe a variety of ethnic groups or diasporas without noting the many cultural, linguistic, socio-economic, and geographical differences. For Kim, the idea of a 'minor public' represents a group of people that is brought together through shared experiences, feelings, community, and identity (although Kim asserts that this is not inherently tied to notions of race or ethnicity). Drawing further from mainstream YouTube videos, Twitter 'tweets', local Canadian artists, and contemporary Canadian literature, Kim uses media to highlight how Asian publics, many of which are often included in an Asian Canadian diaspora, may indeed be broken down further into minor publics.For Kim, feelings matter because a minor public can only remain in existence as long as their participants are engaged in active dialogue. They are much more ephemeral and momentary than a catchall term such as 'Asian Canadian' and are thus able to transform and progress with its participants in a non-essentialising manner. Minor publics, then, are often at odds with multicultural rhetoric that acknowledges yet essentialises all minorities against a dominant (white) Canadian majority. It is worth noting that Kim is not so much interested in reading minor publics in opposition to major publics but rather she turns to the social intimacy these publics emerge from and within. …
TL;DR: From the 1870s to the closing of Canada's Indian residential school system in 1996, cadet corps and military-style drill were the cornerstones to physical education and functioned as a way to assimilate Indigenous students into a subordinate position in Canadian society as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: From the 1870s to the closing of Canada's Indian residential school system in 1996, cadet corps and military-style drill were the cornerstones to physical education and functioned as a way to assimilate Indigenous students into a subordinate position in Canadian society. The schools' use of cadet drill is a key legacy found in the historical and contemporary enlistments of Indigenous peoples in the Canadian armed forces. Some students used military drill as a way to survive the abuse they encountered at school by finding relief in opportunities to travel off school grounds to engage in public performances and competitive events. Additionally, students derived meaning from competitions, especially winning against non-Indigenous cadet teams. This time away from school and the competitions increased the student's self-worth, with some students using it to connect to their people's military past. Des annees 1870 a la disparition du reseau des pensionnats en 1996, les corps de cadets et l'exercice de style militaire etaient les fondements de l'education physique et servait a assimiler les eleves indigenes dans des positions subordonnees dans la societe canadienne. L'utilisation de l'exercice des cadets par les pensionnats represente un heritage cle que l'on retrouve dans l'enrolement passe et contemporain des peuples indigenes dans les forces armees canadiennes. Certains eleves utiliserent l'exercice militaire comme un moyen de survivre aux violences subies a l'ecole en trouvant un soulagement dans les opportunites de voyages hors du pensionnat pour participer a des evenements publics et competitifs. En outre, les eleves trouvaient une valeur dans ces competitions, surtout en gagnant contre des equipes de cadets non-indigenes. Ces moments passes en dehors de l'ecole, ainsi que les competitions, renforcaient l'estime de soi des eleves et certains se servaient de cette experience pour se reconnecter avec le passe militaire de leur peuple.
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TL;DR: The Lost Imperialist: Lord Dufferin, Memory and Mythmaking in an Age of Celebrity (London: John Murray, 2015), 464 pp. Cased. as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Andrew Gailey, The Lost Imperialist: Lord Dufferin, Memory and Mythmaking in an Age of Celebrity (London: John Murray, 2015), 464 pp. Cased. £30. ISBN 978-1-4447-9243-0. Paper. £14.99. ISBN 978-1-4447-9245-4.Veronica Strong-Boag, Liberal Hearts and Coronets: The Lives and Times of Ishbel Marjor-ibanks Gordon and John Campbell Gordon, the Aberdeens (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015), 384 pp. 15 images. Cased. $70. ISBN 978-1-4426-4827-2. Paper. $32.95. ISBN 978-1-4426-2602-7.The aristocratic subjects of these two biographies shared an important connection to Canada: both the Earl of Dufferin (1826-1902) and the Earl of Aberdeen (1847-1934) served as governor general of Canada in an era of ambiguous imperial ties, Dufferin in 1872-8 and Aberdeen from 1893 to 1898. To a great extent, the ambiguity about Canada's status in the empire extended to the governor general's own function, and the background and skills of the appointee were especially important. Each book explores the fuller lives of the men; Andrew Gailey and Veronica Strong-Boag place their subjects' Canadian careers into a broader context. Liberal Hearts and Coronets attempts more still, and offers a joint biography of Lord Aberdeen and his energetic and socially conscious wife. Lady Aberdeen, the former Ishbel Marjoribanks, archly labelled the 'governess general' by her detractors, was the first president of the International Council of Women and the founder of the Victorian Order of Nurses.Andrew Gailey's book is a delightful surprise, as diverting as any novel, yet painstaking and rigorous in its research. Dufferin's life trajectory was familiar to me, but Gailey fully constructs its almost-forgotten dimensions, demonstrating how strikingly prominent Dufferin was in his own lifetime, how readily he courted celebrity, and how frequently he could be found at the centre of events. Dufferin won adulation in the press during his Canadian term, and Gailey reveals how successfully he repeated that winning formula in other circumstances. Lord Dufferin remains the somewhat brittle and often superficial man I came to know, yet Gailey's empathetic treatment of him also reveals a more complex and appealing figure.Gailey seeks to examine 'memory and mythmaking in an age of celebrity', and the book inevitably invites reflection on the fleeting nature of popular acclaim. Dufferin is the 'lost imperialist' primarily because his high public profile did not result in an equivalent historical reputation. Events early in Lord Dufferin's life - his aunt's scandalous divorce and affair with Lord Melbourne, and his father's fatal morphine overdose - made him conscious of public scrutiny. But he soon achieved his own renown with his widely admired account of a daring 6,000-mile journey on the schooner Foam to the Arctic Circle, and for his successes in the diplomatic realm. Gailey skilfully balances the intimate intricacies of Dufferin's personal story with essential historical context. He ably analyses Dufferin's 1860 diplomatic appointment to Syria - a delicate mission, given the climate of outrage surrounding the massacre of Christians - and likewise places into context the subsequent events of a very full life: appointments as ambassador to Russia and the Ottoman Empire, Dufferin's frustration as an Irish landlord, his important commission of investigation into Egypt in 1882, and his viceroyalty of India. …
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TL;DR: In contrast to The Lost Imperialist, Strong-Boag and Messamore as mentioned in this paper focus on the women's suffrage movement in Canada and their role in women's political rights.
Abstract: Dufferin’s 1860 diplomatic appointment to Syria – a delicate mission, given the climate of outrage surrounding the massacre of Christians – and likewise places into context the subsequent events of a very full life: appointments as ambassador to Russia and the Ottoman Empire, Dufferin’s frustration as an Irish landlord, his important commission of investigation into Egypt in 1882, and his viceroyalty of India. In so doing, Gailey amply demonstrates how good biography can be an effective window into a wider history, especially when the life described was as rich and varied as Dufferin’s. Veronica Strong-Boag’s joint biography of Lord and Lady Aberdeen draws upon comprehensive research, and her grasp of detail is flawless. In contrast to The Lost Imperialist, Strong-Boag’s biography of the Aberdeens, Liberal Hearts and Coronets, is likely to appeal more narrowly to an audience of academic readers. The analytical and theoretical tone is set early in a section on ‘Negotiating Hegemonic Masculinities’ (p. 18). Perhaps inevitably with such an approach, narrative takes a back seat, and readers less familiar with the historical context may wish that basic background had been more fully supplied; events are alluded to, rather than explained. Such an approach can make it harder to find meaning in the details. Lord Aberdeen’s five-year vice-regal term in Canada occupies only 18 pages of the book – a small proportion, insofar as this post and that of lord lieutenant of Ireland represent the most significant appointments of his career. Admittedly, other historians have treated in detail the constitutional and political complexities that confronted Aberdeen when his Conservative prime minister, Sir John Thompson, died suddenly. The lack of an acceptable successor who could unify the divided party made the governor general’s role a difficult one, and Lady Aberdeen’s failure to respect the tradition of Government House neutrality attracted criticism. Strong-Boag devotes little attention to this controversy, only observing that ‘Both Gordons proved far more than imperial ciphers when it came to serving their new land’ (p. 149). Readers unfamiliar with the events may miss the significance, and the brevity of the treatment distorts its importance. In contrast, the book devotes considerable attention to Lady Aberdeen’s activism in the realm of women’s political rights, both in the service of Britain’s Liberal party and with the International Council of Women. For this reason, the book is likely to be of special interest to those seeking greater understanding of the administrative and philosophical challenges within the women’s suffrage movement. Both books offer a valuable wider perspective on imperial administrators who form an important part of Canada’s history, and both underline the point that the governors general cannot be simply regarded as aristocratic non-entities. Barbara J. Messamore, University of the Fraser Valley
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TL;DR: In this paper, a collection of sport and recreation photographs from Spanish Indian Residential School in Spanish, Ontario is presented, focusing on representations of sport at that institution and what those representations say about colonialism and health, as well as the practice of archiving.
Abstract: The overall theme of this journal arose some time ago from conversations between many of the contributors about the term 'health' and the different ways researchers have applied it to our understanding of the Indian residential school system in Canada. The more we discussed how the term had been applied, and mulled over the possible implications of those applications, the more we recognised the importance of exploring the boundaries of the term, going beyond its traditional usage referring to hospitalisation and medical treatment. As this special issue demonstrates, health, when used in the context of Canada's Indian residential schools, is linked directly to physical education programming, food and malnutrition, language and intergenerational trauma, extra-curricular programming, military preparedness, and cultural identity. Although this collection represents a small sample of the work being carried out by researchers in Canada, we hope it opens up the possibilities for research and understanding regarding healthrelated matters stemming from the residential school system.All of the contributors to this special issue are also politically engaged in one way or another in their various fields. As such, we paid close attention to the final reports of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission - a federally mandated body that was responsible for collecting and documenting the history of the Indian residential school system from the perspective of the students. Although the six-year investigation ended in 2015, research into the health aspects of the system continues as Indigenous people and Canadians wrestle with complex matters tied to health. All of the articles in this collection refer to some extent to the work of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.Ian Mosby and Tracey Galloway's article, '"The abiding condition was hunger": assessing the long-term biological and health effects of malnutrition and hunger in Canada's residential schools', explores the present-day effects of historical malnutrition on Indigenous people and Indigenous communities. Citing malnutrition studies from around the world, the authors argue that many of the health problems that Indigenous people in Canada face can be traced to the residential schools. It is a groundbreaking study in that it links food deprivation, and the lack of access to healthy foods, to biological and psychological development, thus challenging typical interventions that aim to address health-related issues, such as obesity prevention and diabetes, among Indigenous people. Their use of evidence also highlights the need for researchers to find parallel examples from history and other parts of the world to understand the implications of the Indian residential school system in Canada better.In 'Archival photographs in perspective: Indian residential school images of health', historian and archivist Krista McCracken explores the photographic evidence of sports and recreation at Spanish Indian Residential School in Spanish, Ontario. Spanish was one of the schools that had a very active sports program, as noted by former student and author Basil Johnston in his book, Indian School Days. She delves into the Father Morice Fonds, held at the Shingwauk Centre at Algoma University in Sault Ste Marie, Ontario, to examine photos of sport and recreation at Spanish. Her paper focuses on representations of sport and recreation at that institution and investigates what those representations say about colonialism and health, as well as the practice of archiving and its role in helping Indigenous people reclaim their past through explorations of sport and recreation photographs.Lorena Sekwan Fontaine's article, 'Redress for linguicide: residential schools and assimilation in Canada', discusses the effects and lack of governmental recognition of the loss of Indigenous languages due to the residential school system. …
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TL;DR: For Folk's Sake: Art and Economy in Twentieth-Century Nova Scotia (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2016), 424 pp..
Abstract: Erin Morton, For Folk’s Sake: Art and Economy in Twentieth-Century Nova Scotia (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2016), 424 pp. 76 full-colour photos. Cased. $120. ISBN 978-0-7735-4811-4. Paper. $44.95. ISBN 978-0-7735-4812-1. In For Folk’s Sake: Art and Economy in Twentieth-Century Nova Scotia, Erin Morton addresses the emergence of folk art as it coincides with Nova Scotia’s shifting economy by considering contemporary notions of Nova Scotia folk art through past changes in the various cultural cycles of capitalism. Morton argues how ‘folk art acted as a paradigm of modernization at a moment when both capitalist modernity and modernist artistic practices were transforming Nova Scotia’ (p. 9). This volume is divided into two sections: the first part, ‘Art Institutions and the Institutionalisation of Folk Art’, delivers the theoretical groundwork and insight into the economic climate of the art world in Nova Scotia, while the second part explores the paradoxical life, prolific works, and corporate branding of Maud Lewis as integral to the cultural identity of Nova Scotia’s past. Included is an analysis of the development of Nova Scotia art institutions, such as the Nova Scotia College of Art and Design (NSCAD), and the Art Gallery of Nova Scotia (AGNS), and their roles in bringing folk art to the corporate museum and professionally trained art worlds. In doing so, folk art became identified for its association to the province’s folkloric and simpler past, symbolic of the traditional, rural, and isolated lives of its makers. Through her investigation, Morton suggests the classification of folk art and its relationship to an imagined Nova Scotia historical identity was formed, in part, from the rebranding of NSCAD during the 1970s and the arrival of professor and artist Gerald Ferguson, an avid collector of folk art. This followed the changes to the AGNS and the arrival of curator Christopher Huntington who sought to build the museum’s culture collection with the work of local folk artists as federal funding to the institution was dramatically cut following the 1967 Centennial celebration. For both Ferguson and Huntington, who viewed folk art through an art connoisseur’s perspective, the acquisition of folk art in the 1960s and 1970s provided an affordable option for collectors and curators, establishing folk art within the discourse of the art world. For Folk’s Sake is richly illustrated and offers a critical view of the emergence of folk art as it has become synonymous with Nova Scotia’s cultural and historical imagined identity. Morton approaches this challenging area of research succinctly, clearly laying out a theoretical background through which readers can better understand how folk artists, such as Maud Lewis, have become synonymous to Nova Scotia’s institutional, cultural, and economic present. Lisa Binkley, Queen’s University, Kingston