Showing papers in "China Report in 1975"
TL;DR: It is reported that Mao Tse-tung is reported to have launched a new campaign for the study of Lenin's works, particularly his theory of dictatorship of the proletariat, but a long article in the March issue of RED FLAG which seems to set the guidlines of the campaign and an article which appears to question the whole campaign.
Abstract: [About a month after the long-awaited Fourth NPC met in January, Mao Tse-tung is reported to have launched a new campaign, this one for the study of Lenin's works, particularly his theory of dictatorship of the proletariat. Politburo member Yao Wen-yuan published a long article in the March issue of RED FLAG which seems to set the guidlines of the campaign. Then in the April issue of the same journal Deputy Premier Chang Chun-chiao published an article which seems to question the whole campaign. Below we reproduce both these articles.—Editor]
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined the causes of unemployment and underemployment in China, focusing on the manifestations and causes of the unemployment in rural areas of the country.
Abstract: Communist China's experiences with unemployment and underemployment are examined focusing on the manifestations and causes of unemployment. Communist China originally felt that underemployment could be converted into productive activity through social reform and political control. Evidence indicates that this hope could not be fulfilled within the existing technological framework of Chinese agriculture. It became necessary to modernize agriculture and relegate the industrialization drive to a reduced priority. City unemployment was initially regarded as a passing phenomenon resulting from the war. When it persisted, the Chinese leaders tried to reduce it by stemming the tide of rural migration. In addition, labor-intensive crafts were introduced. Eventually, excess labor had to be sent to the villages to assist in the reconstruction and modernization of agriculture. Overall, local initiative has an important role to play in the employment of people at various levels of production. Chinese leaders continue to view the underutilization of labor from a positive perspective and are seeking to mobilize this manpower for productive purposes.
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TL;DR: The authors provide a broad ideological framework for contemporary historical writings in China, and bring to light the working of the minds of Mao and his followers on the vital question of how to reconstruct China's past.
Abstract: People’s Republic of China, and reflects upon the post-1949 Chinese historiography. It concentrates on three major controversial themes peasant rebellions in Chinese history, periodization of China’s past, and evaluation of China’s historical personages and ethical heritage. These, in our view, provide a broad ideological framework for contemporary historical writings in China, and bring to light the working of the minds of Mao and his followers on the vital question of how to reconstruct China’s past.
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TL;DR: There is almost a flood of Western literature on China general books on dynastic history, studies of particular events, notably the May Fourth Movement, the T'ai-p'ing rebellion, the Opium War, the Rise of Communism, Buddhism and vernacular fiction as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: THERE is almost a flood of Western literature on China general books on dynastic history, studies of particular events, notably the May Fourth Movement, the T’ai-p’ing rebellion, the Opium War, the Rise of Communism, Buddhism and vernacular fiction.’ But books dealing with the general history of China are either out of date or inadequate in coverage.’ Even Chinese sources on this subject usually stop short of the contemporary p~riod,3 as s
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TL;DR: A host of important leaders, who were vitriolically denounced and subjected to various indignities and humiliations, were purged in the course of a protracted and complex struggle between the so-called reactionaries and the radical youths as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: a host of important leaders, who were vitriolically denounced and subjected to various indignities and humiliations. Some of the leaders who were purged in the course of protracted and complex struggle between the so-called reactionaries and the radical youths were Kao Kang, Jao Shu-shih, Peng Teh-huai, Liu Shao-chi and Lin Piao. Many others were disgraced but they managed to escape either by owning up their mistakes or by withdrawing into obscurity. Tens of thousands of youth were also killedl in these armageddons.
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TL;DR: In the final analysis, the question of training successors for the revolutionary cause is a matter of life and death for our Party and our country as mentioned in this paper, and it is essential to test and choose and train successors in the long course of mass struggle.
Abstract: In the final analysis, the question of training successors for the revolutionary cause is... a matter of life and death for our Party and our country.... They must master the method of leadership based on the principle of 'from the masses to the masses....' They must be modest and prudent and guard against arrogance and impetuosity.... Successors to the revolutionary cause came forward in mass struggles and are tempered in the great storms of revolution. It is essential to test and choose and train successors in the long course of mass struggle. — 'On Khruschov's Phoney Communism, People's Daily, 13 July 1964.
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TL;DR: The new constitution of the People's Republic of China, adopted by its Fourth National People's Congress (NPC)Iin January this year, was a predictable climax in the evolving pattern of Chinese politics as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: THE NEW Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, adopted by its Fourth National People’s Congress (NPC)Iin January this year, was a predictable climax in the evolving pattern of Chinese politics. It embodies the basic principles of the socialist revolutionary polity which have been prominently debated in China, at least since the beginning of the Cultural Revolution. Liberal political theory views the constitution as a fundamental law governing the mode of politics in society. Thus, constitutional politics prescribes that political demands be made within the purview of the constitution which cannot be easily changed.’ Marxists point out that the enforced rigidity of a constitution is one of the elements of the superstructure in a bourgeois society; it is the
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TL;DR: In the Spring of 1956, Khrushchov launched a "peace onensive" calling for a four-power agreement for the "neutralisation" of the area, which was by then ranged against the Soviet U!iion, in the form of the Baghdad Pact (CEN'iO) as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Again, ih the Spring of 1956, Khrushchov launched a ’peace onensive’ calling for a fourpower agreement for the ’neutralisation’ of the area, which was by then ranged against the Soviet U!iion, in the form of the Baghdad Pact (CEN’iO). The alternative for the Soviet Union was obviously to step into the region and carve out its own sphere of influence in Egypt and Syria. Though the British and French were initially favourable to the idea, the total opposition of Dulles torpedoed that move. The Suez invasion and the subsequent events found the Soviets deeply involved in the conflict on the Arab side..&dquo;..... ; ? i I Thus, the Israeli-Soviet cold war grew out of
TL;DR: In this paper, Mao mourned the death of Mao and expressed that Chinese Communists and the Chinese people will further intensify the study of Stalin's teachings, of Soviet science and techniques to build their country.
Abstract: ’Comrade Stalin carried out a comprehensive and epoch-making development of Marxist-Leninist theory and advanced Marxism to a new stage of development. Comrade Stalin creatively developed Lenin’s theory concerning the law of uneven development of capitalism and Lenin’s theory that socialism can first be victorious in one country; Comrade Stalin creatively contributed [to] the theory of the general crisis of the capitalist system; he contributed [to] the theory concerning the building of Communism in the Soviet Union, he contributed [to] the theory of the basic economic laws of modern capitalism and of socialism; he contributed [to] the theory of the revolution in colonist’ and semi-colonial countries. Comrade Stalin also creatively developed Lenin’s theory on the building of the Party .... ’Chinese Communists and the Chinese people will further intensify the study of Stalin’s teachings, of Soviet science and techniques to build their country....’ That was how Mao mourned the death of
TL;DR: The 1975 New Year's day joint editioial of the People's Daily, the Liberation Army Dail y and the journal Red Flag gave no indication of the performance of the economy in 1974 as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: UNLIKE in the past, the 1975 New Year’s day joint editoiial of the People’.s Daily, the Liberation Army Dail y and the journal Red Flag gave no indication of the performance of the economy in 1974. Surprisingly it did not even report the usual percentagc increases of production in 1974 over 1973. This would indicate a moderate performance of the economy. Commending that ’revolution has pushed production forward’, the . editorial recorded that ’in agriculture an allround good harvest had been won and the value of industrial and agricultural output has shown fresh increase in 1974 over 1973’-
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the possibilities of a dialogue and reapproachment between India-China dialogue and discuss the dimensions of the dialogue before and after 1962, particularly after 1971, and what are the perceptions and interests of the two adversaries.
Abstract: two countries were launched on a self deluding ’friendship’ trip. And the 1962 crisis is usually seen as a point of departure, or as China’s defection from the course of peaceful coexistence. However, it is an open question if 1954-55 was the beginning or the end of the phase of peaceful coexistence. To put it differently, did the India-China dialogue end with 1962, or was it temporarily arrested? Indeed, what were the dimensions of the dialogue before and after 1962, particularly after 1971 ? What are the perceptions and interests of the two adversaries? And what are the possibilities of a dialogue and reapproachment between them?
TL;DR: Wang et al. as discussed by the authors pointed out that while China has made comparatively rapid progress in the technology of nuclear warheads, particularly of hydrogen bombs, and appears to be ahead of France and Britain in this field, its long-range missile development programme has apparently failed to keep pace with that progress.
Abstract: weapons system. In this Peking has had partial success. While it has made comparatively rapid progress in the technology of nuclear warheads, particularly of hydrogen bombs, and appears to be ahead of France and Britain in this field, its long-range missile development programme has apparently failed to keep pace with that progress. China’s progress from fission to fusion device had been faster than any of the preceding hydrogen weapons powers. It took China less than three years after its first atomic test to explode the first H-bomb a 3-megaton thermo-nuclear device was exploded on 17 June 1967. In comparison, the USA took
TL;DR: For example, during the National People's Congress (NPC) of Mao and Strauss as mentioned in this paper, more than 2,800 delegates met in secret at Peking's Great Hall of the People, where the news black-out was so effective that the world press was still reporting the meeting of the CCP Central Committee, which preceded the NPC Congress delegates were in fact leaving its last session for home.
Abstract: as to tarnish a little the image, which China’s friends like to portray, of an open society. Whilst the attention of the mass media and the diplomatic corps was concentrated on the courtesies exchanged between Chairman Mao of the CCP and Chairman Strauss of the CSU, more than 2,800 delegates met in secret at Peking’s Great Hall of the People. Indeed, so effective was news black-out that the world press was still reporting the meeting of the Party’s Central Committee, which preceded the National People’s Congress, when the Congress delegates were in fact leaving its last session for home. Where the political leadership is able to keep to itself so important
TL;DR: The tricontinental nature of the trip would indicate the importance the Chinese leadership attached to Chou En-lai's journey as mentioned in this paper, which was the most important that the Chinese Prime Minister has ever undertaken.
Abstract: most important that the Chinese Prime Minister has ever undertaken. Although this trip was in the main to Africa, it was not exclusively so. It was punctuated with a visit to Albania and was immediately followed by visits to Burma, Pakistan and Ceylon. The tricontinental nature of the trip would indicate the importance the Chinese leadership attached to Chou En-lai’s journey. That this visit had doctrinal importance is clear from the fact that the Foreign Language Press in Peking brought out a collection of the several speeches which Chou En-lai and his hosts made during his trip and the joint communiques issued at each capital in Africa under the title of ’Afro-Asian Solidarity Against Imperialism’.’ It is interesting to note that the collection excludes the documents
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors study the bragaining leverage of the developing nations vis-a-vis the developed ones and discuss and define the terms "developing nations" and bargaining leverage.
Abstract: THis PAPER attempts to study the bragaining leverage of the developing nations vis-a-vis the developed ones. First, we shall discuss and define the terms ’ developing nations’ and bargaining leverage’. Economic standard is perhaps the closest to a scientific criterion by which we may distinguish the developing nations from the developed ones. On this basis the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, excluding Japan and probably South Africa, may be called developing nations. One should not, however, confuse these with the countries’ of the Third World which have recently been active in different international
TL;DR: Sinkiang as discussed by the authors celebrated the twentieth anniversary of the establishment of the Sinkiang-Uighur autonomous region on 10 October, when the People's Republic of China (PRC) entered the twenty-sixth year of its existence.
Abstract: SINKIANG, which in Chinese means ’new frontier’, celebrated the twentieth anniversary of the establishment of the Sinkiang-Uighur autonomous region on 10 October, when the People’s Republic of China (PRC) entered the twenty-sixth year of its existence. A central delegation led by Politbureau member and Vice-Premier Chen Hsi-lien went to Sinkiang to participate in the celebrations. On this occasion the Chinese official media waxed eloquent on the tremendous achievements of Sinkiang, although a more accurate
TL;DR: The analysis of the Kuomintang (KMT) as a one-party dominant system both comparatively and in the context of its own historical development is presented in this article, where the KMT has demonstrated a refreshing degree of liberalism and pragmatic adjustment to rally the 16 million people on Taiwan and build nonpolitical ties with the outside world.
Abstract: the Government of the Republic of China in Taiwan and to its dominant party, the Kuomintang, which has been in power since the Republic was born in 1911. Both internally and especially internationally the prestige of the regime faced challenges to its legitimacy and viability more serious than any since the Communist Party expelled it from mainland China in 1949. This paper begins with an analysis of the Kuomintang (KMT) as a one-party dominant system both comparatively and in the context of its own historical development. Against such a background we can better judge its reaction to the post-1971 challenges, recognizing that it may be too soon to draw definitive conclusions about the future of the KMT policies. However, we can say that in comparison with the more restrictive tendencies of one-party regimes in other Asian countries from South Korea to Ceylon (Thailand excepted), the KMT has demonstrated a refreshing degree of liberalism and pragmatic adjustment to rally the 16 million people on Taiwan and build nonpolitical ties with the outside world. To place the KMT in the analytical framework of comparative one-party system, we should first note that throughout its long history it has always contained a liberal wing that limited any totalitarian proclivities of the leadership. In fact, it has been authoritarian