Showing papers in "China Report in 1984"
TL;DR: In the early 1960s, Zhou Enlai was careful at Bandung not to raise any issue which might divide the Afro-Asian solidarity and create apprehensions about China as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: AFTER establishing their hegemony and respective areas of influence in the Atlantic and the Pacific, the two superpowers turned to the Indian Ocean. Rapid decolonization in Asia and Africa in the late 1950s and the early 1960s attracted the attention of the superpowers and also of China. Aware of the free-for-all link which the Indian Ocean provides with the littoral states, the two superpowers registered their presence in in a bid to influence the politics of the region and obtain some political leverage in the states around it. China’s leaders were aware of ihe geo-stra= tegic and political importance of the Indian Ocean region, and perhaps also foresaw the moral authority the Afro-Asian states were going to exercise in the future world politics. Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai was careful at Bandung not to raise any issue which might divide the Afro-Asian solidarity and create apprehensions about China. Zhou Enlai was
9 citations
TL;DR: This paper argued that the United States is not worthy of emulation or adulation as Butterfield seems to suggest, and this western liberal complacency and smugness is difficult to accept in an otherwise interesting, informative narrative of the Chinese political scene after Mao.
Abstract: a reporter last week. ’Coates and her son are among the 34 million people in the US who live in poverty and go to bed undernourished. The poor and hungary include 13 million children.’ This, in addition to the universally acknowledged high crime, suicides, divorce rates and the problems of racialism, sexism and exploitation hardly makes the United States worthy of emulation or adulation as Butterfield seems to suggest. It is this western liberal complacency and smugness which is difficult to accept in an otherwise interesting, informative narrative of the Chinese political scene after Mao. Shirin M. Rai
4 citations
TL;DR: However, despite the major steps taken through the National Agricultural Development Programme formulated in 1956 and through the crucial decision of technical transformation of agriculture taken in 1962, agricultural production has been very erratic over the later years as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: per cent per annum. However, despite the major steps taken through the National Agricultural Development Programme formulated in 1956 and through the crucial decision of technical transformation of agriculture taken in 1962,1 agricultural production has been very erratic over the later years. Execpt for the First Five-Year Plan, the growth rate in agriculture has been slow despite the fact that the policy of ’agriculture first’ was adopted during the Great Leap Forward and thereafter. The average annual growth rate between 1952-57 was 4 per cent. But it was only 2.5 per cent for the years 1957-77 and 3 per cent for the year 1957-81. The growth rate slowed substantially since 1967 and is estimated to have been around 1.6 per cent for the years 1967-74, 2.4 per cent for the years 1970-762 and 2.5 per cent for the years 1974-81. The higher rate of growth during the First Five-Year Plan is mainly attributed to countrywide land reforms, socialist transformation of agriculture and large-scale economic construction.&dquo; The decline in later years may have been due to multifarious
4 citations
TL;DR: Butterfield, however, is eminently qualified to write about China. He knows the Chinese language well, has studied Chinese history in Taiwan on a Fulbright scholarship, has been a New York Time.s correspondent in China's peripheral countries like Japan, South Vietnam and Hong Kong, and had the opportunity of living and working in China for overs two year as New York Times' first correspondent in Beijing since 19-19 as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Butterfield, however, is eminently qualified to write about China. He knows the Chinese language well, has studied Chinese history in Taiwan on a Fulbright scholarship, has been a New York Time.s’ correspondent in China’s peripheral countries like Japan, South Vietnam and Hong Kong, and had the opportunity of living and working in China for overs two year as New York Times’ first correspondent in Beijing since 19-19. Butterfield’s canvas is broad. He tries to capture life in an ancient Asian country, and a socialist one at that, as he sees it through his western liberal spectacles. The scope of this book ranges from economic growth and social transformation to love, marria.ge and sex, from the ’Chinese Gulag’, justice and prisons to questions of democracy, inequality and the cult of personality. The book is lively, factual (though not all facts
2 citations
TL;DR: In the third world countries burdened with their feudal past (the present, too, in many cases) the magic in human affairs including politics is predominant, though the advanced nations too are not free from it as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: MODERN man has slowly emerged from the magical mode of thinking in relation to the physical universe. He no longer invokes gods to control floods, or believes in alchemy. But he has yet to free himself from his primitive shackles with regard to human affairs. In the third world countries burdened with their feudal past (the present, too, in many cases) the ’magic’ in human affairs including politics is predominant, though the advanced nations, too, are not free from it. The cases in point are the numerous cults
1 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the state's penetration into soci.ety, wluch in simple terms means the effectiveness of a government, helps us determine the overall impact the political system has on a society.
Abstract: use the right term, as just one of three parts of the political system, the other two being the legislative and the judiciary. It has, however, not quite emphasized its relative importance or rather its domination of the political system in almost all states. It is the type of executive power which exists in a state that tells us of the nature of the political system-liberal, socialist, authoritarian or fascist. Also the state’s penetration into soci.ety, wluch in simple terms means the effectiveness of a government, helps us determine the overall impact the political system has on a society. It is the government which wields the state’s coercive apparatus and has full control over it.
1 citations
TL;DR: In the 1970s, the Chinese leaders were confronted with the harsh reality that China had lagged behind other advanced nations in technological development, efiiciency and productivity in various sectors of their economy.
Abstract: foreign trade has been considered as peripheral to the growth and development of the countl’y’s economy. In the past, foreign nations took the lead and initiated commercial transactions with China. TI’zl.dlti011~!llB%, China has hy and large adhered to the norms of economic self-sfifliciellcy. In the 1970s the Chinese leaders were confronted with the harsh reality that China had lagged behind other advanced nations in technological development, efiiciency and productivity in various sectors of their economy. The Chinese leaders were determined to set right this sad state of affairs. The country has set for itself the goal of becoming a modern industrialized nation by the yea.r 2000, a task described as the ’new long m~.rrh’. The Chinese view technological transfer through trade and other forms of economic exchange and technicat co-operation as expedient, and emcient to achieve this goal. In this
1 citations
TL;DR: Deng as mentioned in this paper argued that this is a necessary step in order to create the material conditions for socialist construction, and he was able to mobilize support in the party after Mao's death, assumed the commanding role and guided the formulation and implementation of a whole range of new policies on every front since the Third Plenum in December 1978.
Abstract: Dm cHINA complete the transition from people democracy to socialism? Mao’s emphatic answer was in the affii mative after 1958. Deng had reluctantly agreed with Mao in the early sixties. But thereafter lie. like L.iu Shaoqi and some others, increasingly felt that the transition was not yet complete and it would take a long period to accomplish the tasks of the new democratic stage of the revolution. On this plank he was able to mobilize support in the party after Mao’s death, assumed the commanding role and guided the formulation and implementation of a whole range of new policies on every front since the Third Plenum in December 1978. Compared with the perspective and policies of Mao the new course in China is a historical retreat. But Deng argues that this is a necessary step in order to create the material conditions for socialist construction. It should be noted that the theoretical formulations of the new course are not frankly stated in the language of new democracy lest this retreat appears too ohv ious. They
1 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors describe a vision of the Great Wall of China as a hazy veneer of fog, with the waters of the mighty Yellow River no longer roaring with power.
Abstract: An errclless 3.pi cad of Feezing ice, With pring {fakcs oil ore#&dquo; places. Both sides of the Great Wall Reduced to a hazy vi.sual. Artd the mighty Yellow River, No longer roaring with power. Moumains dance the silver snakes. Plateaus become wax elephants. As if tlrey vie witlt Heaven God For marks 01 gro wing fast. We’ll wait for a sunny day To admire the s4,-ht Of redness clad ill white. A1y Oh, so cnc!Wllling! CVlilltlcss Itevoes kfs.s her skirls. Thillk of it, 1I’hal « pit)’! Shihiiciiigtli {[lid Jlall Wildi, S’/lOwed little grace of tlre literati. Emperors Tang Taizong and Song 7~ri::u~ Deficiellt ill rorrtanticity. And GengfTis Khan, 7’lie ~ion of Heaven so proud, Mighty bow ill hand And eagles fell. Nothing beyolld. (These one lime formidables) All disappear with history. ~.
TL;DR: In this paper, it is argued that the experience of China is replicable and that the Chinese could effectively find a solution to the population problem, other developing countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America could perhaps find their task o(~ population control less difficult.
Abstract: as state policy. Considering the fact that China is the most populous country in the world, the importance of this norm is greatly enhanced. I! China could effectively find a solution to the population problem, other developing countries in. Asia, Africa and Latin America could perhaps find their task o(~ population control less difficult. This assumes, however, that the experience of China is replicable. But is this a realistic assumption? It is contended that the Chinese
TL;DR: The role of the masses in China's economic development was held to be crucial and was glorified as discussed by the authors, and the role of women in the economic development of China was celebrated.
Abstract: THE DEBATE on the organization, role and utilization of science and technology has been central to the leadership conflicts in the People’s Republic of China since the beginning of the Cultural Revolution. The Cultural Revolution opposed all manifestations of professionalism and elitism in all fields of endeavour including science and technology. The role of the masses in China’s economic development was held to be crucial and was glorified. Expertise, professionalism, and foreign influences were persistently denounced
TL;DR: For example, this paper pointed out that countries which have already extended their recognitions to the People's Republic of China (PRC) or switched their recognition from the ROC to the PRC, may well call it an ‘outlawed state 12 or a non-state’.
Abstract: SINCE 1 rs withdrawal or expulsion from the United Nations (UN), the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan has been identified as a ’contemporary pariah’, due to its ’extreme diplomatic isolation and widespread, obsessive and unrelenting global opprobrium, directed against [it] for reasons other than economic status or the nature of [its] economic [system]’.’ Countries which have already extended their recognitions to the People’s Republic of China (PRC) or have switched their recognition from the ROC to the PRC, may well call it an ’outlawed state 12 or a ‘non-state’.3 To put Taibei further on the defensive, Beijing, since the establishment of diplomatic relations with Washington, has put forward numerous proposals for the ’peaceful’ reunification of China. Examples are many. On 1 January 1979 the Standing Committee of the Fifth National People’s Congress (NPC) at its Fifth Plenary Session called upon the two sides to engage in ’three links’, namely, mail link, trade link, and air and shipping link; and ’four exchanaes’, namely, visits by relatives and tourists, academic exchange, cultural exchange, and sports exchange. On the eve of the PRC’s thirty-second national day, Ye Jianying, Chairman of the Standing Committee of the NPC, came forward
TL;DR: The Third World is not only the main force in the struggle against "imperialism and hegemonism" of the superpowers but also the main stormcentre of world revolution as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: ’Third World’ constitutes an important component in the Chinese foreign policy calculations and conduct. It is not only the main force in the struggle against ’imperialism and hegemonism’ of the superpowers but also the ’main stormcentre of world revolution’. Though both superpowers, as China perceives, are enemies of this vast underdeveloped world, in reality it is the ’social imperialist’ Soviet Union which has been singled out as being more ’insidious’,
TL;DR: Mao's contributions can be generally organized around two basic themes: (a) stages of revolutionary transformation, and (b) the appropriate relationship between productive forces and productive relations in a semi-feudal/semi-colonial society.
Abstract: Mao’s contributions can be generally organized around two basic themes: (a) stages of revolutionary transformation, and ~b~ the appropriate relationsh.ip between productive forces and productive relations in a semi-feudal/semi-colonial society. Whi.le it is se’f evident that these are inextricably inter-related, I have chosen to separate them for ~.nalvtic purposes. A funcTamcntal problem associated with all 20th-century Marxian socialist revolutions is their occurence in societies with either embryonic or underdeveloped capitalist modes of production. While Lenin, in his Imperialism: The Highest Stage! of Capitalism, addressed the issue to a considerable degrec, the shifting nature of capitalist development resulted in
Abstract: were called ’scholars’. Later they came to be known as ’literary men’. The term Zhishi fenzi seems to have come into vogue some seventy years ago.~ 2 The Chinese term is,’ however, broader in connotation than the English word ’intellectual’ which refers mainly to someone engaged in academic pursuits. According to some ancient records of China, intellectuals did not enjoy a superior position in society. They were identified as people who did not take part in manual labour, but their being ’mental workers’ did n.ot ipso factor bring them any social distinction or rank. Sima Qian, the ancient historian of China, is said to have remarked that in spite of the fact that he and his father had been court chroniclers, the positions occupied by them in the social hierarchy of the time were on par with fortune-tellers, astrologers and healers. It is also a fact of history that under the slave system and the early stages of the Chinese feudal society, intellectuals were actually slaves and worked as menials of the ruling classes. It was only when the feudal landlords started taking interest in intellectual pursuits that intellectuals in general began steadily to improve their status in Chinese society.’ Not until the development of a comprehensive system of imperial examination (Ke ju) to recruit administrators on the basis of