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Showing papers in "Contemporary Sociology in 2023"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, this paper argued that tax increases would have to increase significantly in order to pay for single-payer health care, and argued that the only long-term solution may be to raise taxes.
Abstract: as a result. John Rawls wrote that ‘‘All ethical doctrines worth our attention take consequences into account in judging rightness’’ ([1971] 1999). One option to pay for Kenworthy’s policies could be to reduce military spending. Sociologists could likely be convinced to trade guns for gurneys, but can we dislodge longstanding Washington interests? Ultimately, the only long-term solution may be to raise taxes, and Kenworthy acknowledges that ‘‘taxes would have to increase significantly in order to pay for [single-payer health care]’’ (p. 165). Now might be a good time to consider what makes a good society and how we can live in one. Advocates of social democratic policies will find the best of these arguments collected in SDC, illustrated with cross-national data. SDC is written in crystalline language, leaving no room for ambiguity. Kenworthy is persuasive and takes his opponents more seriously than most sociologists do. This is a good start to knitting together the political differences that Americans have.

9 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: DiMaggio as mentioned in this paper provides a good overview of a wide range of social movements over a very short amount of space, focusing on a substantive summary of the movements rather than a theoretical analysis of them.
Abstract: in the book. DiMaggio states that he selected ‘‘some of the most salient uprisings of the 2010s as related to the rise of American plutocracy’’ (p. 11). While this works for the Tea Party and the Economic Justice movement, it is less convincing for Black Lives Matter (a movement focused on racism and criminal justice) and the Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump campaigns (which were presidential campaigns, not social movements). Indeed, the chapter on the presidential campaigns feels particularly out of place. Presidential campaigns are different media and public attention-generating machines than social movements, and so the whole chapter feels even more removed from the rest of the book. This chapter is also the longest, and the section on the Trump campaign is the same length as the BLM chapter. The book also makes no effort to compare the different movements. While there are brief comparisons within campaigns, there is no organized comparison of media coverage, public support, or outcomes between, for example, the Tea Party and the Economic Justice movement. We get glimpses of connections (e.g., Table 4.1 comparing media coverage counts), but not including a chapter that stitches the findings from these chapters together or at least a more fleshed-out conclusion (the book’s conclusion is only five pages) feels like a missed opportunity. Another missed opportunity is DiMaggio’s engagement with theory throughout the book. He begins the book by using citations in mainstream political science journals to point out that social movements are an overlooked aspect of the political process. While this may be true, there is a full literature on social movements, including several journals devoted to the subject, in sociology. The author does nod to some of these theories, briefly summarizing resource mobilization, political opportunity, and disturbance theories in the introduction; but his approach through the rest of the book feels almost atheoretical, acknowledging concepts and theories in passing but never explaining how the movements fit (or fail to fit) their expectations. Political science and social movement studies have a lot to say to one another, and it would have been exciting to see DiMaggio use these cases to integrate concepts and ideas on media coverage of social movements, the relationship between public opinion and movements, the policy impacts of movements, and social movement partyism—by scholars like Edwin Amenta, Jon Agnone, Paul Burstein, and Paul Almeida—into the American politics literature. Even to see him engage with the literature on the Tea Party, early Black Lives Matter, and anti-Trump mobilization that already existed at the time of writing would have been insightful for deepening our understanding of these cases and how they connect with a longer history of protest and activism in American society. In summary, DiMaggio’s book provides a good overview of a wide range of social movements over a very short amount of space. The book is a well-written, concise summary of these movements and particularly the media and public responses to them. While it is more focused on a substantive summary of the movements than a theoretical analysis of them, this may be useful for undergraduate and graduate-level instructors or researchers looking for a book that will provide an overview of the past fifteen years of American social movement activity. Considering that this book came out around March of 2020, I imagine that DiMaggio is already hard at work on the next book documenting this next era of collective action.

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Text as Data: A New Framework for Machine Learning and the Social Sciences seeks to provide readers with a model to do just this, but with a relatively untapped form of data, at least for the social sciences as mentioned in this paper .
Abstract: At its most fundamental, ‘‘social science is the process of creating generalizable knowledge that explains or predicts societal patterns’’ (p. 264). Text as Data: A New Framework for Machine Learning and the Social Sciences seeks to provide readers with a model to do just this, but with a relatively untapped form of data, at least for the social sciences. Using text as data happens frequently in the computer science world, and Justin Grimmer, Margaret E. Roberts, and Brandon M. Stewart, the authors of this text, seek to extend known computer science methodology to align with social science methodological principles. The authors bridge this gap by applying our methodological models (some of them, at least) to this novel, timerelevant, and expanding form of data. This is an ambitious text that, at different stages, provides critical insight for undergraduates, graduate students across the social sciences, and practitioners. Text as Data systematically walks readers through the research process, from selection and representation to discovery to measurement and, finally, to inference and prediction. In the first section of the text, they concisely detail this model of research and the justifications behind it for the more novice scholars. The text then introduces each stage of this research process, laying out the assumptions and best practices informing this specific approach with text as data. Common to all of these introductory chapters is the emphasis on the crucial role of the human researcher. The authors do not shy away from a common fear in analyses with ‘‘big data,’’ that human work is becoming obsolete and theory is disappearing. Instead, they make a compelling case that although the analytic processes necessitated by ‘‘big data’’ may seem (and sometimes even be named) as if computers are operating independently of theory and of humans, the social science project will only succeed with the continued and constant engagement of the human-generated ideas behind the projects. Following each of these introductory chapters that adeptly frame the overall endeavor and lay out the novel application of research methods to text data, the authors present a thorough overview of the many ways in which practitioners can pursue research with text data. Here, the authors present work that has already been done in the social sciences (e.g., authorship of the Federalist papers, identifying a model of Congressional ideology from press releases, authorship and tone of tweets from former President Trump) and also work through one or more basic algorithms to link the reader to the algebraic and mathematical progressions that provide the foundation for machine learning (or other similarly opaque procedures). Concluding these detailed presentations of possible steps through the research process, the text progresses to the next step in the research process (i.e., from measurement to inference), clearly linking and overlapping these processes where appropriate. Often methodological training in the social sciences bends in the direction of either inductive or deductive research. Researchers seek, often going to extreme measures, to justify their conceptualization, operationalization, modeling, and interpretation choices prior to embarking on analytical procedures in order to avoid questions of over-fitting, p-hacking, and the like. Alternatively, researchers embark on scholarly pursuits to build theory emerging from their research sites and informants, often utilizing only qualitative techniques to do so. Especially in elementary methodological training, these two tracks are distinct and, sometimes, juxtaposed as opposites. Not so in this text, where the authors use the emergent and exciting field of text data to emphasize the importance of iterative and sequential scholarship. The authors showcase across these four stages of the research process the opportunities for building a comprehensive research agenda that celebrates multiple approaches and Reviews 347

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper , the authors examine the exploitation of drivers' labor and self-interest in the Uber economy and find that long driving impacts the liver and that there are health tolls.
Abstract: point to finish the paragraph discussing other studies that note that "long driving" impacts the liver and that there are health tolls. But then the focus in the following paragraph turns to 2019 ADA suits against Uber and Lyft. Maybe there are no answers to these questions. But since the researchers were at the NYTWA, perhaps someone in charge of the archives, or a New York City oncologist, could explain the potential link? Or perhaps they should not even raise the questions, just note that this document suggested that driving led to more considerable health concerns than previously expected? I also found the conclusion, subtitled "Drivers in the Time of COVID-19," to be somewhat misleading. There’s much more focus on California’s AB-5, which presumed workers to be employees rather than independent contractors, and the resulting Proposition 22 (which created a third category of worker outside the dichotomy of 1099 and W-2 classification). AB-5 did go into effect at the start of 2020, but describing this chapter as focusing on the Covid impact—especially when there’s minimal mention of this—feels odd. There’s much more focus on the pandemic in Chapter Two, on financializing drivers’ lives, than in this final chapter. Those concerns aside, I found this book to be an interesting read that provides a unique framework for examining the exploitation of drivers’ labor—and selves—in the Uber economy.

2 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Anima Adjepong's Afropolitan Projects: Redefining Blackness, Sexualities, and Culture from Houston to Accra offers a refreshing engagement with the quotidian practices and politics that enable a new generation of African migrants to find meaning and assert their place in the world as discussed by the authors .
Abstract: Crisscrossing the Atlantic between Accra and Houston, Anima Adjepong’s Afropolitan Projects: Redefining Blackness, Sexualities, and Culture from Houston to Accra offers a refreshing engagement with the quotidian practices and politics that enable a new generation of African migrants to find meaning and assert their place in the world. Adjepong’s examination of the emergent Afropolitan subjectivity through the experiences of interlocutors residing in Ghana and the United States challenges assumptions about the nature of diaspora and transnational migration within the African context. Afropolitan Projects recasts migration, its motivations, and its locales on both sides of the Atlantic and thoroughly breaks from the deep historical traumas of the Middle Passage epistemology and more contemporaneous framings that dichotomize African migrants into refugees and upwardly mobile opportunityseekers. Hence, Adjepong’s extensive ethnographic observations in Houston and Accra and critical analyses of material culture and political projects capture the centrality of aesthetics and assemblage of oftentimes contradictory ideologies of sexuality, race, and belonging. Afropolitan Projects is organized into three sections, with Chapters One and Two elaborating the experiences of Afropolitans residing in Houston, Chapters Three and Four focused on those living in Accra, and, finally, Chapters Five and Six tackling the careful negotiation of sexual, gender, race, and class politics in both settings. In Chapter One we are introduced to an ethnically diverse Ghanaian community residing in Houston. Adjepong demonstrates how their interlocutors disrupt disparaging representations of Africa and migrants by forming civic associations that showcase the vibrancy of their ethno-national heritage and alignment with neoliberal American values. Couched in a discourse that lauds diversity and middle-class valorization of work ethic, participation in civic associations adds meaning and structure to contemporary migration experiences and places Afropolitans within the urban Houston landscape. In Chapter Two, Adjepong focuses on the religious projects of the Houston-based Ghanaian community and the alignment of Ghanaian and American theological traditions. Adjepong reveals the limits of Afropolitan inclusivity through vignettes crafted from interviews and observations of outwardly secular organizations that nonetheless serve to restrict subjectivity within an overtly Christian valence, drawing attention to the exclusion of Muslims and sexual minorities. Beginning in Chapter Three, Adjepong pivots to Accra and engages the Afropolitan Ghanaians who chose to return to advance their careers, effect social change, and explore Afropolitan aesthetics in art and culture. To the Afropolitans residing in Accra, the city embodies contradictions that enable them to give form to their transnational subjectivity. Contradictions exist between universality and parochialism, progress and tradition, and international and local perspectives. However, the cosmopolitanism and relative class privilege of Afropolitan returnees hinder the fluidity of their emergence and complicate authentic relationships across class and social divides. In Chapter Four, Adjepong brings their interlocutors’ political and social activism to the fore, largely focusing on initiatives promoting sexual health and inclusivity. Through these endeavors and others, Afropolitan interlocutors envision the possibility for a post-coloniality that positions them as a cultural vanguard bridging the contradictions embedded within the Ghanaian social and political landscape. While such projects establish Afropolitan politics squarely within liberal and at times

2 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Hedged Out: Inequality and Insecurity on Wall Street as mentioned in this paper examines the meaning-making of those at the top and the institutional mechanisms that limit access to elite hedge fund firms.
Abstract: Hedged Out: Inequality and Insecurity on Wall Street joins a growing number of important scholarly analyses focused on the power brokers of global inequality. Rather than explore the contours of inequality from the bottom up, Megan Tobias Neely deftly examines the meaning-making of those at the top and the institutional mechanisms that limit access to elite hedge fund firms. The motivating question of this study is how the financial sector exploits and reproduces gendered, racialized, and classed systems of inequality. She centers her analysis on how work in the hedge fund industry is organized and constructed. It is well established that elite white men dominate positions of economic power; Neely’s book traces the institutional mechanisms that enable a small handful of highly privileged white men to monopolize positions of wealth and status. Neely’s analysis is nuanced and intersectional. She considers the ways in which the industry relies on norms of hegemonic masculinity centered on elite white men, leaving non-elites, white women, and men and women of color in peripheral roles or out of the industry altogether. To gain access to the insular world of hedge fund managers, the author drew on her experience as an analyst in one of the world’s largest hedge funds as well as more than six years as a researcher, interviewing dozens of hedge fund managers across the country and participating in industry events. Her methodological approach is impeccable. She interviewed nearly 50 industry insiders and conducted participant observation at 22 industry-wide events and in 13 firms in New York, Texas, and California. Combined with insights from her own employment history, the depth and breadth of Neely’s analysis provides stunning insight into the oftinvisible machinations of global capital. To understand the gatekeeping mechanisms in an industry that claims to be meritocratic, Neely deftly applies Weber’s concept of patrimonialism. Access to and success in this industry rests on a system of patronage in which trust, loyalty, and reputation are used to police the boundaries of entry and advancement. While hedge fund firms eschew bureaucracy in favor of small and flat organizational structures, their nimbleness is enabled by a tightly bounded network of socially similar individuals who preserve access under the guise of financial brilliance, risk taking, and merit. The instability and precarity of the industry—Neely notes that the average life expectancy of a hedge fund is five years— breeds insecurity, which in turn reinforces reliance on elite patrimonial ties. The greater the insecurity, the greater the reliance on closed networks, and the higher the barriers to entry for non-elites. Whiteness and masculinity reinforce relations of trust, effectively hedging out everybody else and creating a highly insulated industry. Through their embeddedness in elite networks, a group of mostly white male managers are able to secure the level of investment needed to launch firms. As Neely notes, white men manage 97 percent of all hedge fund investments. The insularity of the industry protects the autonomy and privilege of managers—and allows insiders to sustain a view of themselves and their work as serving higher ideals, including job creation and philanthropy. In sharp contradiction to reality, the white men in this study view themselves as outsiders and underdogs, scrapping their way to success through devotion to work and financial ingenuity. The capacity to take and manage risk—and the ‘‘creative genius’’ necessary to understand the complexity of global finance—thus becomes synonymous with white masculinity. Women and men without racial and class privilege face backlash, resistance, and a burden of doubt—not to mention access to the types of social ties and investments that facilitate white men’s ascent. Neely’s analysis shows how the ‘‘systemic devotions to elitism, whiteness, and masculinity’’ have come to define the industry, shaping norms and practices of access, Reviews 165

2 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Denis as mentioned in this paper explored white and settler identity and how this identity affects white settlers' understandings of Indigenous people and relations, and provided a well-researched, detailed, and clear understanding of how Indigenous and white settlers understand one another and what may unite or divide us.
Abstract: ally focuses on the settler aspect. Does the superior group identity work of settler identity not intersect with white racial identity? Denis focuses on the racialization of Indigenous people by white settlers yet does not explore the racialization of the white settlers themselves. It is my opinion that more of a ‘‘both/and’’ strategy would have strengthened his analysis, exploring more deeply both white and settler identity and how this identity affects white settlers’ understandings. Nevertheless, as more and more graves of Indigenous children are uncovered from the residential school system, and as white nonIndigenous Canadians continue to ‘‘wake up’’ to the experience that is the horrifying and often incomprehensible history and ongoing reality of settler colonialism, Denis’s work adds a crucial lens for attempting to understand these horrors and the relationships that follow. It is the individuallevel understandings of Indigenous people and relations that can uphold or challenge the oppressive ideologies of settler colonialism. Canada at a Crossroads is not only an important read for settlers who are looking to reflect on their own understandings of Indigenous people, but also for sociologists who want to expand their own inclusion and analysis of settler colonialism in their work. Denis provides us with a wellresearched, detailed, and clear understanding of how Indigenous and white settlers understand one another and what may unite or divide us. And, like all good research, the book left me with questions and a deep desire for even more insight and reflection into this important line of inquiry. Bread and Freedom: Egypt’s Revolutionary Situation, by Mona El-Ghobashy. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2021. 390 pp. $28.00 paper. ISBN: 9781503628151.

2 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Martinez-Vargas as mentioned in this paper discusses the methodological process of having co-researchers within a participatory research approach and provides a detailed analysis of the first half of the book.
Abstract: suggests that scholars could examine ‘‘what a classroom would look like under an Ubuntu cosmovision’’ (p. 234). Some questions remain about the methodological process of having co-researchers within a DCR approach. While MartinezVargas walks the reader through much of the research process, I am left wondering about some of the logistics. For example, while Martinez-Vargas encourages researchers in the global North and South to explore applications of the DCR, it would be helpful to know more about the logistical steps she utilized in her own process, such as filing the IRB application and navigating the inclusion of students as co-researchers and participants within the IRB paperwork. Additionally, it would be a useful resource for readers if Martinez-Vargas provided links to any videos and materials produced by the collaborative project. Although the beginning of the book is dense at times, the organization of the book and the presentation of the collaborative project break the manuscript into manageable pieces. The first half of the book sets the reader up for a compelling analysis of the DCR project. I highly recommend Democratising Participatory Research for graduate-level methods courses in Social Science and Education programs. A reader new to the Capabilities Approach, participatory research, and collaborative methodologies would learn many of the foundational arguments and theories in the field. The book is particularly useful for anyone interested in employing a participatory project within higher education and anyone interested in addressing social justice within higher education.

2 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Stanger as mentioned in this paper found that women tended to leave prison more changed and with a greater desire to participate in prison reform or abolition, while men and women described their reasons for joining their respective movements differently, and they described jails, prison camps, and prisons differently based on their experiences in separate carceral spaces.
Abstract: come from a mostly homogeneous group, their experiences as activists differ widely. Stanger discovered gendered differences in participants’ responses and experiences. Men and women described their reasons for joining their respective movements differently, and they described jails, prison camps, and prisons differently based on their experiences in separate carceral spaces. Stanger argues that women tended to leave prison more changed and with a greater desire to participate in prison reform or abolition. But gender is not the sole factor in Stanger’s analysis. She analyzes the differences between religious and non-religious participants, noting how religious beliefs shaped carceral experiences. She also takes time to discuss race and racial identity, including a particularly memorable story where white participants were ‘‘baffled’’ when SOA Watch member Derrlyn Tom had to explain that their prison experiences differed because the other activists were ‘‘not of color’’ (p. 131). Derrlyn’s explanation points to one of Stanger’s recurring points: most of the participants in this study possess what Stanger calls ‘‘privilege power,’’ which allows them to act as they do (p. 100). They can act as prison witnesses because their white skin, economic privileges, high levels of education, Christian/ Catholic faith, heterosexuality or chaste status, and professional achievements make them seem like unlikely prisoners. Privilege often acts as a shield for participants; it serves as a tool that participants can wield, and it also shapes their experiences as prisoners. However, Stanger’s research reveals that this ‘‘privilege power’’ does not lead to universal experiences for the participants in her study. Stanger is clear about what this study does and does not focus on. She does not debate whether or not the actions taken by the participants in her study count as nonviolent to everyone because she accepts that these actors have articulated their actions as nonviolent. She also stresses that while she understands the limitations and shortcomings of the participants and movements in her research, she chose to uplift the stories that provide models for transformative change. Her work does not ignore difficult questions, but it remains focused on her subjects and their voices. There are some weaknesses within this study—notably, in her historical analysis, Stanger fails to fully address the violent aspects of abolition, and she mentions historical figures such as Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman without discussing any of their public stances on the use of violence for tactical means. However, the strengths of this research outweigh its weaknesses. Incarcerated Resistance offers a thoughtful, feminist analysis of justice action prisoners. Stanger’s work can help readers better understand how activists employ privilege to fight injustice, as well as the consequences of their work.

2 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The End of Illusion: Politics, Economy, and Culture in Late Modernity, by Andreas Reckwitz as discussed by the authors is a collection of essays on non-citizenship in the context of economic and social precarity.
Abstract: come intervention in the growing literature on how neoliberalism fuels an economic and social precariat connected by shared conditions of insecurity. A study of ‘‘noncitizenship,’’ this collection is divided into three parts: Mobility and Migration; Labor and Precarity; and Belonging and (Non)citizenship. The first part explores fractal forms of citizenship shaped by surveillance technologies, from the deportability of British Windrush citizens (Bridget Anderson) to translocal networkdriven migration (Adrián Félix), dispossession (Felicity Amaya Schaeffer), displacement (Alejandro Grimson), and the ‘‘refugeecitizen’’ (Tsering Wangmo Dhompa). The second part theorizes the politics of precarity through noncitizen vulnerabilities, emphasizing legal status (Rhacel Salazar Parreñas and Krittiya Kantachote) and wage theft (Shannon Gleeson), and illustrating a collective global precariat (Marcel Paret; Claudia Maria López). In the final section of the book, degrees of membership, racial capitalism, and social mobilities are engaged through noncitizenship (Katherine Tonkiss and Tendayi Bloom), denizenship (Nicholas de Genova), migrant demands for regularization, (Susan Bibler Coutin and Véronique Fortin), and forms of imperial citizenship (Emily Mitchell-Eaton). In the Afterword, Tanya Golash-Boza reminds us that global capitalism continues to be constituted by borders, an expanding precariat, and unequal citizenships, from global South to North. The collection offers a hopeful yet critical response to engaging shared and embodied vulnerabilities that inform a new political condition, and a response to the determination of a ‘‘deserving’’ subject. The End of Illusions: Politics, Economy, and Culture in Late Modernity, by Andreas Reckwitz. Translated by Valentine A. Pakis. Medford, MA: Polity, 2021. 244 pp. $69.95 cloth. ISBN: 9781509545698.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper , Iezzoni presents an exquisitely written, extremely valuable examination of a highly important topic, how paid personal assistance services (PAS) can and should support people with disabilities to live at home and in communities in the United States.
Abstract: In Making their Days Happen: Paid Personal Assistance Services Supporting People with Disability Living in Their Homes and Communities, Lisa I. Iezzoni presents an exquisitely written, extremely valuable examination of a highly important topic—how paid personal assistance services (PAS) can and should support people with disabilities to live at home and in communities in the United States. PAS, also called personal support, personal care, homecare or home health, is paid assistance with essential tasks such as eating, bathing, housework, and shopping that allows people to avoid institutionalized care. Iezzoni focuses on people with disabilities in their 70s, at the leading edge of the baby boom, including those impaired at birth, through injury, chronic illness, or aging. As such, the book provides unique insight into conversations on population aging and its vast implications. Empirically, Iezzoni draws on a wealth of sources, weaving together analysis of social and labor policies, surveys, and interviews. The book especially excels at providing a deep understanding of the struggles and strategies of people with disabilities who use PAS, or ‘‘consumers,’’ as Iezzoni calls them—in line with the independent living movement that has pushed for expansion of, and ‘‘consumer’’ control over, homebased PAS since the 1960s. For example, in Chapter Three, Iezzoni describes the economic, political, and social construction of disability—beginning with Indigenous societies before European contact, through European settlement and the disabling effects of slavery—before delving into the history of institutionalization of people with disabilities in the early nineteenth century and the move toward home and community support in the midand late twentieth century. This historical analysis is not only a comprehensive reference of key changes but is also a rich and engaging read, using two methodological strategies. First, Iezzoni seamlessly integrates discussions of policy and social movements (ranging from the role of eugenics and social Darwinism in justifying institutionalization from 1880 to 1925 to the influence of the Independent Living Movement on self-directed models of PAS). Second, Iezzoni uses personal experiences of people with disability whose lives were touched by the move from institutionalization to inhome support to elaborate the impact of this fundamental shift. Another strength of this book is how artfully Iezzoni brings in perspectives of both consumers and workers, based on approximately 20 interviews with each group in 2018. What’s more, Iezzoni places the complex relationships between consumers and workers within the laws, legislation, and policies that shape them, including key court decisions that made in-home support a civil right (i.e., the Olmstead Act) and (limited) labor law coverage of home-based work (i.e., under the Fair Labor Standards Act). Iezzoni reviews both national policies such as these and state-level variations in their application and describes different models of organizing support, through agencies or self-directed. Only a few other, very recently published books cover both the scope and complexity of the social organization of in-home PAS or similar services from these various angles. Bringing in the experiences of both consumers and workers is a rare decision that allows Iezzoni to touch on some sensitive tensions between those who need personal assistance services to live at home and the largely racially marginalized and precarious workers that provide those services in the United States, especially in urban areas. These include accounts where ‘‘bowel management has become a battleground’’ as well as where the worker is ‘‘very understanding’’ during this intimate task that is difficult to provide and receive (p. 81). Iezzoni also describes situations ranging from African Americans reporting treatment ‘‘like you are a servant’’ to good relationships built across racial lines (p. 173). These tensions, along with their dimensions and 252 Reviews

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: More optimistic about the prospects of bottom-up change than many, myself included, the authors , is more optimistic than many of the authors of Remaking the American Dream, who are concerned about the future of the silent majority of U.S neighborhoods.
Abstract: more appetite for elaborate planning interventions than elsewhere on the continent, he is more optimistic about the prospects of bottom-up change than many, myself included. Regardless, with Remaking the American Dream we now have an important book to guide the work of planning academics and practitioners thinking hard about the future of the silent majority of U.S. neighborhoods. They will need to do so because the environmental, social, and fiscal pressures to release single-family enclaves from their straightjackets in coming years seem sure to intensify.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Kinder as discussed by the authors focuses on the radical bookstore as a site that works behind the scenes within social movements, drawing forth the networks and labour that uphold the moments when possibility and even revolution breakthrough.
Abstract: opinions and experiences of those on the ground and provides an insight into the various, often unacknowledged ways radical print-based spaces can serve political motives. While squats and public demonstrations can disrupt the spatial logic of capitalism, counterspaces do not, instead operating in parallel as a durable gathering point for the facilitation of constructive activism, and as outlined in the final chapter, an ‘off-stage’ organising site for more overt confrontation. In focusing on the radical bookstore as a site that works behind the scenes within social movements, Kinder draws forth the networks and labour that uphold the moments when possibility and even revolution breakthrough.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper , the authors analyze how women perceive and engage with the trauma revolution and argue that women who experience domestic violence feel pressured by judges, Child Protective Services workers, and attorneys to attend support groups and meet with case advocates and therapists.
Abstract: lence’’ (p. 5). In Part II, ‘‘Surviving,’’ Sweet analyzes life-history interviews with domestic violence survivors to understand how women perceive and engage with the trauma revolution. Sweet proposes that although agencies describe their services as voluntary, women who experience domestic violence feel pressured by judges, Child Protective Services workers, and attorneys to attend support groups and meet with case advocates and therapists. In turn, women who experience abuse are forced to ‘‘perform survivorhood, or psychological betterment’’ (p. 122) to be deemed worthy of support by the people who control court, housing, and other domestic violence resources. Sweet argues that ‘‘paradoxically, going through the institutional rituals of ‘healing’ often obstructs genuine healing’’ (p. 122) because institutions offer victims only psychological strategies to work on themselves rather than the material resources that would provide them with time and space to heal. The two chapters in this section, ‘‘Gaslighting’’ and ‘‘Surviving Heterosexuality,’’ examine understudied aspects of abuse. Sweet’s analysis of gaslighting finds that abusers use cultural stereotypes of women’s irrationality (‘‘crazy bitch’’) to entrap women. Moreover, institutional discrimination makes Black, brown, and immigrant women more vulnerable to being blamed, arrested, and discredited by gaslighting. Gaslighting is reinforced by the mental health system because abusers use survivors’ access to therapy to justify their claims that victims are crazy and because the systems themselves fail to take domestic violence seriously. The analysis of how women disidentify from heterosexuality in the aftermath of abuse is a particularly innovative contribution of the book. Sweet finds that survivors learn that they should abstain from new sexual relationships to avoid disapproval from therapists and support group peers. Some survivors reject their previous attachments to romance, heterosexuality, and the nuclear family. Sweet does not find that survivors adopt queer identities, but that they disidentify from the failed promise of heterosexual romance. As Sweet argues, previous work on domestic violence treats survivors as asexual. Some respondents did not talk about sexuality until the third or fourth interview, further suggesting that sexuality is taboo for victims working to achieve ‘‘survivorhood.’’ Sweet’s postmodern approach helps to maintain the duality of structure and agency. Although neoconservative and neoliberal agendas pushed feminist agencies to professionalize, domestic violence agencies were not co-opted, but were active participants in the trauma revolution. Although victims are pressured to perform survivorhood, they actively use the language of trauma to make sense of their experiences of abuse. Although the grassroots feminist movement to help women who experience abuse is today ‘‘a victim services branch of the penal and welfare states’’ (p. 233), it does help women to survive and rebuild their lives after abuse. The indignation I felt at the book’s beginning about why we offer so little to women who experience abuse was muted by the end. I wanted Sweet to offer a roadmap, a policy agenda, or a feminist vision of what a societal response to domestic violence that took the credible threat seriously would look like. Yet Sweet’s careful analysis of changes in the domestic violence movement is an important call for the field to reignite sociological and feminist analyses of the material and ideological forces that entrap women in abuse.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Neely et al. as discussed by the authors analyzed the influence of hedge fund managers over national and global economic policy, and pointed out that the industry's influence over the White House weakens democracy in fundamental ways.
Abstract: accumulation. These norms and practices shore up and solidify barriers to entry, providing a solid monopoly on power and wealth to an elite few. The culture of overwork within the industry and the unchallenged myth-making surrounding hedge fund expertise legitimize vastly unequal access to privilege and power. The implications of these findings are stunning. Neely describes how the hedge fund industry has gained influence over national and global economic policy—indeed, she notes that the influence of this industry over the White House weakens democracy in fundamental ways. She traces the ways neoliberal policy choices including favorable tax policies, financial deregulation, barriers to labor organizing, and welfare retrenchment gave rise to this industry, and she identifies the policies that enable spectacular profit for firms and wealth accumulation for individuals. Absent effective regulation, the industry operates with unprecedented autonomy, allowing hedge fund managers to manipulate currencies, undermine democracy, and bypass regulatory systems. Yet notably missing from this otherwise outstanding analysis is thorough grappling with ways to undermine the power of this industry through policy or protest. Neely carefully connects the secrecy and autonomy of this industry to its gatekeeping ability; unconstrained market power enables hedge fund firms to bypass or undermine government oversight, manipulate markets, and deny access to all but a small handful of white men elites. Neely’s experience in the industry as an analyst and researcher uniquely positions her to speak to the types of regulatory practices and policies that might erode the power and insularity of this industry. How to tame this beast? This question is left to readers to consider. This is an excellent book and one that would be highly engaging and applicable to courses ranging from work and labor markets, sociology of organizations, social inequality, and globalization. The book is well written and, despite the relative opacity of the hedge fund industry itself, Neely’s fine analysis would be accessible to broad audiences, including upper-division undergraduate and graduate students. The author organizes the book effectively, beginning with the historical context that gave rise to the industry followed by chapters on entrance, mobility, and meaning-making of industry insiders. This book’s relevance goes far beyond the classroom, however. As Neely notes in her introduction, even if you don’t know what a hedge fund is or does, it is likely that the work of hedge fund managers affects you and your community in profound ways— through management of salary and pension systems, influence over national economic policy, and investments in real estate (to name a few). The hedge fund industry has contributed to global recessions, the privatization of education, and the decline of a free press and worker rights. Understanding how this elite group of white men shapes the American—and global—class structure is urgent and necessary.

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TL;DR: Cabo et al. as discussed by the authors explored the experiences of agricultural workers exposed to glyphosate and the related environmental justice mobilizations in Argentina, Europe, and Sri Lanka, and depicted tensions between the campaigns conducted by activists to strengthen regulation in Europe without experiencing the effect of glyphosate, and the situation of communities of the global South who are directly affected by the complex ramifications of chemical pollution.
Abstract: tions, such as the imposition of lower levels of leaded gas or the banning of PCBs by the EPA. Biomonitoring has also been used by environmental NGOs and environmental justice groups to demonstrate and protest against chemical exposures. Yet biomonitoring data are not easy to analyze, and uncertainties have been taken up by the industry to minimize their significance. And even if such techniques are used by environmental justice movements, biomonitoring is also becoming commodified as part of a ‘‘detox’’ service industry, showing the political ambivalence of such quantification methods. The second case study focuses on the deliberations of the European Union’s Scientific Committee on Occupational Exposure Limits, and illustrates how, in the setting of thresholds by experts, scientific arguments are often lost in more general considerations, notably regarding the commercial interests behind the substances analyzed, while the actual work conditions of workers are ignored in the process. The third case study explores the experiences of agricultural workers exposed to glyphosate and the related environmental justice mobilizations in Argentina, Europe, and Sri Lanka. The authors depict tensions between the campaigns conducted by activists to strengthen regulation in Europe without experiencing the effect of glyphosate, and the situation of agricultural workers and communities of the global South who are directly affected by the complex ramifications of chemical pollution, fragile regulations, and sometime precarious health care systems. The concluding section proposes residual materialism as a framework to study chemical pollution. It invites us to observe residues at various molecular, geographical, and institutional scales. It emphasizes residues’ agency and social invisibility and claims that the Anthropocene should also be seen as a chemical phenomenon and should not be considered marginal compared to greenhouse gas emission both in the public debate and in academic discussions. The book successfully convinces us that residues are systemic forces that require further investigation by social scientists. Changes in Care: Aging, Migration, and Social Class in West Africa, by Cati Coe. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2021. 248 pp. $120.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781978823259.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Lai et al. as discussed by the authors explored the way Asian Americans use social media to participate in civic activities and politics in the United States, as well as how these experiences affect their political identities.
Abstract: Activism among Asian Americans has risen in recent years. Asian American Connective Action in the Age of Social Media: Civic Engagement, Contested Issues, and Emerging Identities is a timely book exploring the way Asian Americans use social media to participate in civic activities and politics in the United States, as well as how these experiences affect their political identities. This book is highly relevant for anyone seeking to understand the use of social media in mobilization, the impact of social media on participatory politics, and the racial politics of Asian Americans. In Chapter One, author James S. Lai sets the discussion in the context of two seemingly opposing trends among Asian Americans: low voter participation, on the one hand, and high digital connectivity with the Asian American community, on the other. Lai then poses the book’s main research questions, which include 1) how online ‘‘connective action’’—actions such as posting and creating a chat group via social media platforms to voice and organize group concerns—can facilitate offline civic engagement (such as political protest), 2) the extent to which the panethnic identity in the Asian American community emerges during online connective action campaigns, and 3) how, given the ideological, ethnic, and class diversity within their national community, Asian Americans can fit in with future progressive, multiracial political coalitions on contentious public policy issues such as racial profiling and affirmative action. Chapter Two sets the theoretical background: in particular, how this book engages in the discussion on racial politics and the possible role of social media in shifting race relations, political incorporation, and current racial hierarchies. Chapter Three establishes a theoretical model that frames the three dimensions—the Medium Dimension, the Goals Dimension, and the Site Dimension—within which Asian American connective action takes place. Chapters Four through Nine—the main body of the book—zoom in on six diverse case studies of connective action by Asian Americans, revealing the heterogeneity among Asian groups and their issues. These cases include mobilization around the 2016 trial of police officer Peter Liang for killing Akai Gurley (an unarmed African American), the fight against affirmative action in higher education admissions in California in 2012, the battle against a 2016 California Assembly bill on Data Disaggregation of Asian Americans, the exclusively online Asian American organizations’ activism on immigration issues, the 2016 California textbook controversy regarding efforts to prevent India from being replaced by South Asia in California textbooks, and activism in connection with the erecting of monuments in U.S. cities to commemorate the atrocity of Korean, Chinese, and Filipino comfort women who were forced to serve as sex slaves for the Japanese military during World War II. These case studies reveal the diversity and tension in civic participation within the Asian American community. The trial of Peter Liang is a prime example of the ideological divisions within this community. As Lai argues, first-generation Chinese American protesters tend to focus primarily on Liang’s civil rights and the perceptions that he was a racial scapegoat, whereas the central issues for progressive Asian American activists who are part of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement are that of White supremacy and Asian American privilege. Additionally, the patterns of activism diverge. Some Asian Americans’ civic activities embody an inward pattern, with mobilization rooted in ethnic/community networks, whereas other activities are characterized by an outward pattern, with an emphasis on panethnic and multiracial coalitions with African American and Latinx people. Moreover, the case studies illustrate that, far from being unified, the Asian identity consists of differences concerning class, religion, language, 254 Reviews

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TL;DR: The authors argue that subjects' self-understandings are both an invaluable indicator and a crucial mechanism of the indeterminacy, volatility, and uncertainty she so aptly describes, and that this classicism should not be an obstacle to Bread and Freedom becoming a classic.
Abstract: itself in several important ways; I’ll mention two. First, while interviews and observations have become staple methods within the qualitative sociology and political science of the Middle East, Bread and Freedom chooses to solely rely on the ‘‘torrent of documents’’ (for a list, see p. 44) produced by the revolution. Here, classicism is a virtue: the breadth of the documentation sheds light on episodes that have been absent from accounts of the revolution. However, the author’s justification for this choice is debatable. El-Ghobashy opposes a ‘‘hermeneutic study that recovers and represent subjects’ inner states (emotions and dispositions)’’ (p. 42)—that is, subjects’ selfunderstandings and her own ‘‘analytical narrative of events’’ (ibid). This dualism, almost reproducing classical (again) distinctions between objective and subjective, structure and action, seems to be more of an obstacle to research on revolutions than anything. Indeed, following authors like Ivan Ermakoff, whom El-Ghobashy cites in her theoretical conclusion, we can argue that subjects’ self-understandings are both an invaluable indicator and a crucial mechanism of the indeterminacy, volatility, and uncertainty she so aptly describes. Second, El-Ghobashy’s main theoretical interlocutors are, beyond Tilly of course, classical authors of the transitology era. The younger generation of scholars of the Egyptian revolution remain largely absent from the theoretical discussions. The book tends to oscillate between, on the one hand, being a book of political history, documenting and organizing a series of events, and providing a renewed—and highly convincing—narrative of what went on in that period. And on the other hand, an analytic intervention, and a tentative explanation of revolutionary mechanisms, without necessarily engaging with the literature. The methodological choices, the data, and the theoretical interlocutors all tend to produce a general trend: despite the vivid vignettes of popular politics, the narrative remains one of high politics. This is not a critique, per se, as El-Ghobashy acknowledges that, in her perspective, ‘‘[b]y definition, revolutions are about control over states,’’ making most of the narrative a nuanced and compelling (hi)story of how a variety of actors engaged to redefine how Egypt would be ruled. But it doesn’t exhaust other possible discussions of what revolutions are (also) about. In any case, Bread and Freedom’s classicism reminds us how classical tools and insights can produce novel arguments about the Egyptian Revolution, and that this classicism shouldn’t be an obstacle to Bread and Freedom becoming a classic.


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TL;DR: Burning Matters as discussed by the authors is an e-waste ethnography with a focus on migration, environmental health, urban informality, and global supply chains that connect this place to other parts of the world.
Abstract: study shifted during research. While sometimes resulting in a narrative branching in multiple directions, punctuated by abundant fire and smoke metaphors, the overall approach is refreshing. Rather than reassembling his fieldwork experiences into an artificially neat story, Little conveys how, as an outsider, he came to understand the multiple forces at play in shaping Agbogbloshie. Little’s approach is generative, with each chapter raising important questions about migration, environmental health, urban informality, and global supply chains that connect this place to other parts of the world. Despite the book’s extensive engagement with existing scholarship, some concepts and lines of inquiry would have benefited from more sustained and in-depth attention, especially work on ‘‘Black ecologies’’ as they relate to environmental racism. I was also curious to hear more observations about the experiences of women vendors who work at the market and the relationships between scrap dealers and businessmen higher up the hierarchy. Still, if the main aim of this e-waste ethnography is to ‘‘help us ask better questions’’ (p. 187), the book certainly accomplishes this, as well as offering new ways to think about e-waste and meaningful social change. A new round of demolition at Agbogbloshie took place in July 2021, as government bulldozers razed the scrapyard to prepare for new development. Many workers relocated to their homes in Old Fadama and other sites adjacent to the market (Akese, Beisel, and Chasant 2022). As this story continues, Burning Matters is a timely analysis that will be of interest to scholars and students of waste, environmental studies, environmental sociology, labor, and global inequality.

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TL;DR: The history of abortion in the United States can be traced in chronologically ordered chapters, concluding with the U.S. Supreme Court decisions that ended the era of illegal abortion as mentioned in this paper .
Abstract: subjecting them to humiliating interrogation about sexual matters and publicly exposing their abortions, while enforcing marriage norms by arresting, jailing, interrogating, and sometimes prosecuting unmarried lovers (but not husbands). The second part of the book traces the history of abortion in chronologically ordered chapters, concluding with the U.S. Supreme Court decisions that ended the era of illegal abortion. Chapter Five shows how the Great Depression increased the number of abortions and awareness of how illegal abortion was contributing to maternal mortality, leading, in turn, to talk of reform and repeal of abortion laws, the liberalizing of access to legal therapeutic abortion, and the emergence of physicians specializing in abortions. As recounted in Chapter Six, however, hospital administrators changed course in the 1940s and 1950s, again restricting therapeutic abortion, in response to increased state repression—itself a backlash against women’s growing financial independence in the context of McCarthyism. Chapter Seven shows how this new situation made it increasingly difficult for women, especially poor women, to obtain safe and affordable abortions. While a few white women with private health insurance could procure safe therapeutic abortions in hospitals, non-elite women were blindfolded and taken to unknown places, where they paid exorbitant prices for dangerous procedures. But, as Chapter Eight shows, the pendulum swung again in the following decades, when the deadly consequences of the suppression of abortion in the 1940s to 1960s provided an impetus for the movement to legalize abortion. The Epilogue recounts how backlash against abortion rights in the 1970s and 1980s weakened abortion access, especially for low-income girls and women. It predicts that re-criminalizing abortion ‘‘will not return the United States to an imagined time of virginal brides and stable families; it will return us to the time of crowded septic abortion wards, avoidable deaths, and the routinization of punitive treatment of women’’ (p. 250). Brace yourselves. Everyone should read this book. It recounts where we have been and shows where we are likely going. Nuanced and yet highly accessible, it is appropriate for both graduate and undergraduate courses and the public at large.

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TL;DR: Dalessandro et al. as mentioned in this paper found that LGBTQ1 individuals open to marriage are also open to various forms of non-monogamy and plan to make it a part of their married life.
Abstract: al men and women are marriage-oriented and see marriage in their future. Their anxieties about marriage, however, are gendered, classed, and unique to heterosexual relationships. Men are quite worried about their ability to provide financially for their families, an important part of the performance of heterosexual masculinity. They strongly desire to be financially secure prior to being married. Straight, class-advantaged, and upwardly mobile women are anxious about balancing their self-development goals (self-exploration and financial security) with being of appropriate marriageable age (mid-to-late twenties). And no wonder: their straight male peers make it clear that they do not see older women as marriageable. LGBTQ1 millennials have a more complicated view of marriage and have mixed feelings about whether or not they want to participate in the institution. LGBTQ1 individuals open to marriage are also open to various forms of nonmonogamy and plan to make it a part of their married life. Although they desire marriage, they do not conform to the boundaries of monogamy that heterosexuals often do. Dalessandro ultimately concludes that millennials navigate social differences in their romantic and sexual relationships in similar and different ways than the cohorts before them. In terms of gender, race, and class, they often reify and perpetuate inequalities. However, identifying as LGBTQ1 or a person of color increases millennials’ ability to navigate gender and racial issues more progressively in romantic and sexual relationships. One weakness of this work is that some parts of the intersectional analysis are less developed than others. Nevertheless, Dalessandro’s analyses are effective and rich, and they support her arguments. This book is ideal for teaching courses on methods, family, and sex and gender and serves as a model for researchers interested in doing intersectional research. Tainted Tap: Flint’s Journey from Crisis to Recovery, by Katrinell M. Davis. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2021. 280 pp. $95.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781469 662107.


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TL;DR: Drawing upon extensive and detailed ethnographic data, Daniel A. Menchik describes the ongoing and continuous efforts that cardiologists and the subspecialist electrophysiologists undertake in accomplishing their individual and collective authority.
Abstract: I n the dominant narrative about the distribution of power in US healthcare, the so-called Golden Age of Doctoring looms large as the heyday of physician authority. As the narrative continues, this mid-twentieth century heyday faded as physicians endured multiple encroachments upon their authority from other stakeholders, such as patient-advocacy groups, hospital administrators, pharmaceutical industry corporations, and insurance providers. In turn, scholars debated over the details of physicians’ diminished authority, advancing theories like deprofessionalization, proletarianization, and corporatization, among others. However, the authority of the medical profession—that patients will heed physicians’ advice, that administrators will respect physicians’ opinions, that industry will listen to physicians’ needs—has never been a given. Authority is always an accomplishment, and it is precisely this process of accomplishment that is at the heart of Daniel A. Menchik’s compelling book Managing Medical Authority: How Doctors Compete for Status and Create Knowledge. Drawing upon extensive and detailed ethnographic data, Menchik describes the ongoing and continuous efforts that cardiologists and the subspecialist electrophysiologists undertake in accomplishing their individual and collective authority. Their authority is contingent upon their ability to, as Menchik puts it, “organize indeterminacy”—that is, to actively construct problems and control the conditions under which these problems are solved. Crucially, as Menchik convincingly argues, these physicians accomplish this authority by creating tethers (e.g., procedural innovations, anatomical vocabulary, gossip, and markers of prestige) across venues (e.g., hospital wards, laboratories, industry events, and professional conferences) and relying on the other stakeholders to help advance knowledge-production. Although in other scholars’ work on the encroachments on physician authority these other stakeholders are often conceptualized as diametrically opposed to and in conflict with the medical profession, Menchik

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Büyükokutan combines field theory, civic republicanism, and the study of interaction in networks to offer a vivid picture of midcentury literary fields in Turkey as discussed by the authors , and it is a marvelous example of methodological innovation in cultural sociology and a must-read not only for students of culture, but also for those who are invested in freedom, liberation and existing peacefully while interacting with people who are dissimilar.
Abstract: acted with one another and the intensity with which humans got together had profound effects on freedom. The author is extremely meticulous in unearthing field-specific characteristics of poetry and how these lead to a unique nonwestern secularization, while showing that the West does not have a monopoly on secularization. As one of the specific characteristics, the author recounts how poetry has a longer history in this context, while the novel only entered the Ottoman literary scene in nineteenth century. I wondered if the long tradition of poetry might have had an impact on the interaction density and what methods the author would use to answer this question. I also was left wanting more on the potential influence of poetry as a genre, as a cultural form, on the interaction density. Is there something other than publication patterns or consumption practices that makes poetry more conducive to interaction density? And does the deeply embedded nature of poetry in the Turkish context have an impact? Büyükokutan combines field theory, civic republicanism, and the study of interaction in networks to offer a vivid picture of midcentury literary fields in Turkey. Yet the book moves beyond the case to become a theoretical source for scholars of historical sociology, religion, sociology of art, and political sociology. I think it is a marvelous example of methodological innovation in cultural sociology and a must-read not only for students of culture, but also for those who are invested in freedom, liberation, and existing peacefully while interacting with people who are dissimilar. Poets of Turkey in the mid-1950s offer us hope in the possibility of reaching these ideals. What Capitalism Needs: Forgotten Lessons of Great Economists, by John L. Campbell and John A. Hall. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2021. 312 pp. $24.95 cloth. ISBN: 9781108487825.

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TL;DR: In this article , Nandan points out that juridique should not be understood narrowly in the sense of law and jurisprudence alone, but also includes customs, habits, domestic organization, and political organization, along with an astonishing variety of penal, property, contract, and international laws across a wide range of historical and cultural contexts.
Abstract: sociology and moral systems,’’ which makes up almost two-thirds of the whole volume (pp. 151–432). Nandan points out that juridique should not be understood narrowly in the sense of law and jurisprudence alone, but also includes customs, habits, domestic organization, and political organization, along with an astonishing variety of penal, property, contract, and international laws across a wide range of historical and cultural contexts. As Durkheim and Mauss put it in an introductory note from 1910, ‘‘A juridic system is defined by the social structure it represents: it is this structure that best indicates the direction in which it is moving’’ (p. 152). Morals and laws thus give order to social relationships within such groupings as totemic clans, tribal societies, and national collectives even as they are subject to processes of development or decay over time. The writings of Joseph Kohler and Otto Stoll, for instance, who do not figure in Durkheim’s other publications, stand out in shaping his emerging concerns with nonwestern and premodern societies, the former for his focus on complex exogamous domestic arrangements (pp. 165–71, 234– 44, 267–71, 295–96, 341–42), the latter for his cross-cultural perspective on techniques of sexual ornamentation (pp. 354–60). These and other reviews in this section are important for tracing the evolution of Durkheim’s ideas from his lecture course in the 1890s, Professional Ethics and Civic Morals, to the book he outlined before he died, La Morale (Ethics/Morality). Besides showing us the breadth and diversity of empirical materials and theoretical ideas that Durkheim and his colleagues were grappling with apart from their most well-known essays and published books, this collection of reviews also gives us a glimpse into what ‘‘social anthropology’’ contributed to sociology before they went their separate ways. Durkheim and Mauss’s 1913 ‘‘Note on the Concept of Civilization’’ suggests an ambitious program in the ethnography and prehistory of the ‘‘complex and united systems’’ that make up the ‘‘various civilizations that dominate and wrap the collective life of every group of people’’ and that often cut across territorial borders and extend beyond national boundaries (pp. 96–99). Likewise, Durkheim’s 1901 remark on ‘‘Technology’’ proposes that the study of the everyday use of implements in familiar places like the household should be considered a branch of sociology, since ‘‘the instruments which men use (such as tools, weapons, clothes, utilities of all kinds, etc.) are products of collective activity’’ (p. 438). These ambitious statements point beneath the integration of sociology into the mechanisms of the nation-state and reach beyond the function of anthropology as a tool of colonial administration. They also recover a dimension of the critical mission of the social sciences that is independent of their institutionalization in the university and that serves as a provocation for imagining other ways of being and thinking from those we have become all too familiar with.

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TL;DR: The Many Futures of Work: Rethinking Expectations and Breaking Molds is the product of a 2017 conference on the future of work in the twenty-first century, organized by the Insti-tute for Work and the Economy as discussed by the authors .
Abstract: The Many Futures of Work: Rethinking Expectations and Breaking Molds is the product of a 2017 conference on the future of work in the twenty-first century, organized by the Insti-tute for Work and the Economy, a Chicago-based policy and research collaborative. The contributors represent a wide range of experts on work, including economists, soci-ologists, consultants, business analysts, non-profit sector representatives, and labor advo-cates. The book’s authors introduce multiple visions of work in a U.S. economy that is increasingly digitalized and plagued by growing inequality, bias, and weakeningpro-tections for workers. In nineteen chapters, they examine the conditions and policies behind the degradation of work and the dis-appearance of middle-class jobs. They con-ceive a future with more stakeholder- (rather than shareholder-) oriented firms, greater income equality, and jobs protected by regu-lations, while recognizing that this outcome hinges on the political will and collaboration between business leaders, politicians, and workers.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Hohle as discussed by the authors revisits the American housing question that bears its name in the title of his book and critiques current housing social movements, and offers different pathways for the affordable housing question, inspired by the "right to the city" work of Henri Lefebvre.
Abstract: when Blacks, as ‘‘bad citizens,’’ gained access to public programs, public solutions to the housing market became devalued and, in essence, defunded. Chapter Four explores this shift from what Hohle refers to as a ‘‘white public’’ that was ushered in by the New Deal to a ‘‘Black public’’ during the Civil Rights Era, leading to a rejection of the public because of its association with Blackness. This produced two separate housing fields: a white private housing market field and a Black public housing market field. With these two opposing fields, differential outcomes in the housing market, at all levels, are produced and reinforced. The book concludes by examining the affordable housing landscape in the twentyfirst century. Hohle revisits the American housing question that bears its name in the title of his book and critiques current housing social movements. He offers different pathways for the affordable housing question, inspired by the ‘‘right to the city’’ work of Henri Lefebvre (1968), and proposes a greater focus on community land trusts and other collectivist social housing frameworks. Hohle presents a holistic perspective of housing as a social institution, focusing both on the micro and macro aspects of the housing apparatus in the United States. The most important contribution is understanding how race as a social system interacts with housing as a social institution, shaping its very structure. It seems obvious that any social structure that stratifies individuals by race or ethnicity cannot be extricated from other social systems; but when applying the work of classical theorists such as Engels or more contemporary theorists like Harvey to social institutions, the racial privilege of white male canonical theorists obfuscates the important role of race (and ethnicity) in how society is organized. American racism is inextricable from capitalism; thus discussions of affordable housing have to include a racial analysis to be effective, if this is in fact their goal. This is, in essence, a critical race perspective on housing in the United States. While not a lengthy book, it is dense in its conceptualization and discussion of the housing problem. Hohle offers a nuanced way of looking at the housing problem and proposes alternatives, but it seems he does not offer a concrete solution. Rather, The American Housing Question encourages the reader to think outside hegemonic academic and policy discourse, because it’s not working, and consider post-disciplinary ideas on the housing question.

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TL;DR: Seeley as discussed by the authors explores the history of Native and Black removal by exploring the archetypical story of removal, which focuses on the Cherokee Nation in the 1830s, and offers a story of citizenship formation in the early United States that is complicated and discursive.
Abstract: explores the rise of laws that aimed to simultaneously expel Blacks following manumission in the South and restrict their free movement into the Ohio Valley and other parts of the country. These laws were built on the British poor laws and essentially made African Americans stateless. Chapter Seven follows efforts of African Americans to resist these laws and demand the right to remain. Chapter Eight brings together the history of Native and Black removal by exploring the archetypical story of removal, which focuses on the Cherokee Nation in the 1830s. By tracing the history back to the republic’s founding, Seeley complicates the common conception of this removal episode. Black exile into the Ohio Valley onto Native land generated complicated narratives of the formation of these new ‘‘free’’ states. The conclusion explores how northern abolitionists were pressured by African Americans to abandon removal and colonization considering Georgia’s expulsion of the Cherokees. Indigenous and African American removal are contrasted with the expansion of civil citizenship to all white men in this era. Throughout this deeply researched and compelling narrative, Seeley offers a story of citizenship formation in the early United States that is complicated and discursive. Beyond formal federal or state policy, average people—white, Black, and Native— shaped the contestation over removal. By tying removal to the country’s foundation and British colonialism, the book highlights how important drawing boundaries is for the establishment of nations and their citizen populations. Students of citizenship, state formation, race, and American history will find much wisdom in this fascinating book.