Showing papers in "International Affairs in 1951"

The Scientific Versus the Moralistic Approach in International Affairs

Abstract: C ERTAIN assumptions appear to have been involved in attempts to reflect scientifically on the relations between States. One of these has been the judgement that human nature, in so far as it operates in politics, may be treated as universally defective-defective in a tangible and almost measurable way, because virtue itself is so subject to conditions, so curiously affected by a man's predicament, or by antecedent circumstances. Lord Acton, for example, seemed particularly convinced of the firmness of the generalization that the possession of unchecked power has a corrupting effect on a man. If it is objected that the fluidity of events forbids the establishment of such general laws, it may be noted in reply that a still stronger insistence on the elasticity of historical phenomena may operate to restore the firmness of a generalization at a second remove. It is true that a statesman in time of revolution may be too squeamish to lend himself to severities or aggressions; but, as in the case of the heir to a great industrial firm who is too delicate to endure the strains of competitive business life, his place is likely to be taken by somebody else who has fewer qualms, so that the apparent discrepancy does not invalidate a general statement concerning the way in which revolutions or economic enterprises work. To complete the paradox, we may add that even if there is doubt about the firmness of such a law or generalization, the maxim or precept which is formed to correspond with it is not necessarily weakened by this fact. It is the custom that all people who wish to consult manuscripts in the Library of my College for any length of time shall be locked in the room for security purposes. The virtuous are not greatly hindered by this and they understand the necessity for it; the criminals are curbed; and even the potential criminal is saved from the surprise of a sudden temptation. If a librarian abandoned this cautionary measure or trusted to his insight to distinguish between reliable and unreliable applicants, so that he ended by losing a manuscript, he might cry out in moral indignation against the culprit, and it is possible that in this way he might escape ever having to face the question whether he had been wrong in his prudential calculations. This would represent a typical case of what I should call the moralistic approach to the matter. Amongst other things it overlooks the degree to which public virtue and general respectability depend on support from established institutions and from the mechanical arrangements in

The Government and Politics of China

Abstract: Course Description China is now the second largest economy in the world and a growing global power; at the same time, it faces considerable governance challenges. This upper-division course provides an in-depth analysis of the political history, institutions, and governance issues facing China. It highlights several major themes from the twentieth century to the present: the role of nationalism, the changing place of markets and private property, and the shifting penetration of the state from the center to the grassroots. The first part of the course on political history provides a necessary foundation for subsequent topics. It addresses the collapse of imperial China in social and ideological terms, the formation of political parties, revolutionary change, state-building, the planned economy, and the re-introduction of markets. The second part of the course focuses on the political institutions that govern China today, including the organization of the party-state, how the state controls its own agents, how it uses elections, and how it attempts to control civil society and the media. The final part of the course uses the foundations of political history and political institutions to analyze crucial issues facing China today, including labor and environmental conditions, inequality and social welfare, minority rights, contemporary nationalism, and relations with Taiwan.

Germany and Europe

Abstract: T tHE point of view from which I approach the problem of Germany and Europe is that of the party to which I have the honour to belong, the German Social Democratic Party, which at present acts as the Opposition in the Federal Republic. I shall attempt to analyse three of the most pressing aspects of this problem: what solution of the European problem do the Social Democrats hope for; what is the real position of Germany today in relation to Europe; what should be our attitude if we are to make our full contribution to safeguarding peace? For naturally the preservation of peace with liberty must always be our first objective. Not even to realize claims we hold most sacred could we tolerate recourse to armed force; this also prevents us from recognizing as of right situations which owe their existence to the use of force. All Germans except Communists and fellow travellers are convinced that the solution to the problem of Germany and Europe is to establish the United States of Europe as soon as possible-a Europe united politically, economically, and constitutionally. This Europe could only be a union of free and completely equal nations; it could only be effective if it brings together an adequate number of nations (including Britain) to enable it to be self-sufficient, and to exchange enough of its products with those of other continents without imperilling either its independence or the moral, cultural, and political values which constitute the foundation of European society. This is the reason why we German Social Democrats refuse to entertain any project for establishing a European confederation without Great Britain and the Scandinavian countries; that is why we support the 'functional approach' so dear to the British. We believe that the countries of Europe should first make every effort to create economic and social conditions of the same standard as those of Britain and Scandinavia before these countries can be asked to form part of an international or supra-national entity with the Continent, to which they would have to cede some of their national sovereignty. Unless that is done, any union could only bring upon the British the unemployment which exists at present on the Continent. We do not believe in the 'Little Europe' solution because we are convinced that 'Little Europe' would act not as an incentive but as a deterrent to the realization of a United Europe that would be worthy of the name. Nor can we subscribe to a solution of the European problem based on the idea of the hegemony of any nation or group of nations, either open or disguised, political, economic, or military. A United Europe can only exist on the basis of nations with equal rights. Equality is the first condition for the -formation of a United Europe; it could not ensue as a consequence. Finally, we are opposed to any European 306

Somewhere South of Suez

Abstract: In what case do you like reading so much? What about the type of the somewhere south of suez book? The needs to read? Well, everybody has their own reason why should read some books. Mostly, it will relate to their necessity to get knowledge from the book and want to read just to get entertainment. Novels, story book, and other entertaining books become so popular this day. Besides, the scientific books will also be the best reason to choose, especially for the students, teachers, doctors, businessman, and other professions who are fond of reading.