Showing papers in "International Journal in 1974"

The Military Balance

Abstract: For nearly a quarter-century the military balance in the Pacific rested on the clearly perceived parameters of the cold war, namely parallel Soviet and Chinese anti-imperialism and American containment policies which compelled the smaller states to align themselves with one or other of the opposing blocs. One of the more beneficial Nixon shocks reopened the traditional American 'Open Door* policy toward China. This single move granted the United States important diplomatic initiative in the Far East, shifted the fulcrum of political and military attention from southeast Asia to the northwest Pacific, and destroyed the main pillar of Moscow's Asian policy which rested on indefinite ChineseAmerican animosity. This realignment of the Pacific power configuration also raised fundamental questions about the future military balance in this theatre. The purpose of this essay is to analyse the present military postures of the principal actors and to develop several questions about future problems. An assessment of comparative military strengths and strategies must be predicated upon presumptions of political policy and orientation. Let us turn first therefore to some assumptions about the political Dositions of the various national actors in the Pacific region.

Money and Capital in Economic Development

Abstract: This books presents a theory of economic development very different from the "stages of growth" hypothesis or strategies emphasizing foreign aid, trade, or regional association. Leaving these aside, the author breaks new ground by focusing on the use of domestic capital markets to stimulate economic performance. He suggests a "bootstrap" approach in which successful development would depend largely on policy choices made by national authorities in the developing countries themselves.Central to his theory is the freeing of domestic financial markets to allow interest rates to reflect the true scarcity of capital in a developing economy. His analysis leads to a critique of prevailing monetary theory and to a new view of the relation between money and physical capitala view with policy implications for governments striving to overcome the vicious circle of inflation and stagnation. Examining the performance of South Korea, Taiwan, Brazil, and other countries, the author suggests that their success or failure has depended primarily on steps taken in the monetary sector. He concludes that monetary reform should take precedence over other development measures, such as tariff and tax reform or the encouragement of foreign capital investment. In addition to challenging much of the conventional wisdom of development, the author's revision of accepted monetary theory may be relevant for mature economies that face monetary problems."

The Politics of Palestinian Nationalism

Abstract: basic sense of insecurity, caused by the disappointments of the Yishuv (the Jewish community of Palestine) with the British protector, which generated a mistrust of great powers in general. This period also saw the beginnings of the strong bonds between the Yishuv and the Diaspora, which was later developed by Ben Gurion into the two-camp thesis of Jewish statehood and survival. The holocaust, the destruction of one-third of the Jewish people, has shaped the determination never to let it happen again, 'to fight for the state regardless of all other considerations' (p 70). On the other side, the author highlights the intransigent pursuit of Arab aims, Arab inflexibility which resulted in missed diplomatic opportunities and military disasters. Dr Roberts has given us a perceptive analysis of the psychological predispositions of Israel's political £lite. As a study of Israel's foreign policy, it has been superseded by Michael Brecher's monumental work The Foreign Policy System of Israel, but it is still a valuable contribution to the literature on this subject. He is much less convincing in his conclusions on Israeli imperialism.' His claim that Israel pursues an expansionist policy (with limited goals), partly motivated by the domestic factor of tensions between Ashkenazic and Sephardic Jews shows a strange unfamiliarity with recent Israeli political conditions.

The Storm Has Many Eyes: A Personal Narrative

Abstract: For many years, de Waal has observed chimpanzees soothe distressed neighbors and bonobos share their food. Now he delivers fascinating fresh evidence for the seeds of ethical behavior in primate societies that further cements the case for the biological origins of human fairness. Interweaving vivid tales from the animal kingdom with thoughtful philosophical analysis, de Waal seeks a bottom-up explanation of morality that emphasizes our connection with animals. In doing so, de Waal explores for the first time the implications of his work for our understanding of modern religion. Whatever the role of religious moral imperatives, he sees it as a "Johnny-come-lately" role that emerged only as an addition to our natural instincts for cooperation and empathy. But unlike the dogmatic neo-atheist of his book's title, de Waal does not scorn religion per se. Instead, he draws on the long tradition of humanism exemplified by the painter Hieronymus Bosch and asks reflective readers to consider these issues from a positive perspective: What role, if any, does religion play for a well-functioning society today? And where can believers and nonbelievers alike find the inspiration to lead a good life? Rich with cultural references and anecdotes of primate behavior, The Bonobo and the Atheist engagingly builds a unique argument grounded in evolutionary biology and moral philosophy. Ever a pioneering thinker, de Waal delivers a heartening and inclusive new perspective on human nature and our struggle to find purpose in our lives.

SALT : implications for arms control in the 1970s

Abstract: The symposium brought together one of the most distinguished groups of experts on arms control and international security yet assembled from the United States and abroad, from research institutes and universities, and from governments. The wide-ranging discussion that took place during each session of the symposium is succinctly related by the editors to the major themes discussed in the papers.

How Troubled a Partnership

Abstract: Fluctuat nee mergitur: it floats but does not sink. This motto of the city of Paris, recently adopted by the French franc, applies equally well to nato. So do the slogans which have been applied to international relations in our time, such as 'the permanent crisis/ and to the German problem, such as 'the stable crisis/ The latter analogy may be the most enlightening. Crises will always be with us, but those of long duration can become a part of normal life, even an element of stability. Nevertheless, changes do occur even in long-standing crises and problems do enter a new dimension as the German one has following the eastern treaties. The questions of the American commitment to and presence in Europe, of the risks of European neutralism, and of the obsolescence of collective bureaucratic and military structures and the difficulty of replacing them have been raised so often over the past twenty-five years that readers and writers alike may be forgiven if their first reaction is a polite yawn or a less polite 'so, what else is new?' Yet, some things are new the Vietnam war and the Yom Kippur one, Czechoslovakia and Ostpolitik, strategic parity and economic difficulty, the Soviet-American agreements and the European-American conflict over the Middle East and the energy crisis, the beginnings of a western European identity and the failure of the practical endeavours to unite. Could it be then that nato, the embodiment of the transatlantic military relationship, is more a rock, occasionally covered but always un-

Foreign Offices and New States

Abstract: The content of foreign policy and the range of diplomatic method by which it is executed are too often examined in isolation from the system of foreign affairs administration. It seems to me, moreover, that the diplomatic machinery of new states reveals distinctive enough styles and problems to justify academic treatment of these countries as a single category.1 This paper will attempt a few generalizations about the early experiences of new states in foreign policy management, but the generalizations will apply more reliably to small states than to large and to the economically underdeveloped states rather than to the industrialized or developed. These categories generously overlap but they are not identical. Most new states are small, weak, and underdeveloped, but occasionally a new state is very large (eg, India) or developed (eg, Israel). Although literature on foreign affairs administration is no longer scarce, most of the theoretical writing and empirical studies are preoccupied with North America or European states. Even the recent studies of the foreign policy behaviour of small states tend to treat them all as a single category, as if Norway's foreign policy machinery operated in much the same way as, say, Burundi's. The Commonwealth Secretariat has addressed itself

Mini-Nukes and Strategy

Abstract: Current NATO strategy has one outstanding virtue; it is accepted by all the active military members of the alliance. The strictly military anomalies of the strategy are deemed tolerable by many for two reasons. Firstly, very few people expect that the strategy will ever have to withstand trial by battle. Secondly, NATO'S military strategy is sensibly recognized to be properly subordinate to the peace-, crisis-, and war-time political interests of an alliance that must serve the interests of fifteen disparate members. Therefore, NATO'S declared strategy should be seen not so much as a blueprint for rational military defence, as the highest common factor upon which all interested parties feel able to agree. As one would expect, NATO strategy provides something for everybody. European security, as seen from the West, is the product of the factors of both political and military confidence.' As the multiple processes of East-West d~tente are seen to be blossoming, so the margin for error in assessment of the military equation is deemed to be more elastic. However, most commentators on European security issues accept that, barring some unlikely definitive resolution of East-West political issues, there is an irreducible capability for self-defence below which the NATO

Oil and the Distribution of International Power

Abstract: The summer of 1974 is an appropriate time to reassess the socalled energy or oil crisis. It seems difficult to imagine that only nine months ago a number of learned scientists, journalists, and others predicted that a shortage of oil would lead to worldwide catastrophe. Few of these soothsayers spelt out in detail the catastrophies that might befall. However, included amongst their dire predictions were the following: western industrial society would be forced into chaos and depression unless its life style was completely changed, because the basis of western industrial society was low-priced oil; unless the goal of economic growth was displaced, western society was doomed; the Arab embargo of oil would force pro-Israeli western powers to reverse their foreign policies in the Middle East or face the consequences; the distribution of world power would swing toward those countries with large surplus reserves of oil as other countries would pay any price, monetary or political, to acquire these resources. A number of scientists were far less concerned nine months ago. These individuals (myself included), although seeing a shortrun aberration in the growth rate in western society and some modifications of production and consumption patterns, suggested that the oil crisis would have no longlasting influence on world events. These same individuals distinguished between the economic and political actions behind the oil crisis.

CCMS: The Environmental Connection:

Abstract: The Committee on the Challenges of Modem Society (ccMs) is the environmental agency of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. It was established by the NATO Council in November 1969 to provide the alliance with 'a social dimension to deal with our concern for the quality of life in this final third of the twentieth century," and was set a number of objectives. The Council directed the cciis to examine methods of improving exchanges of views and environmental experiences amongst members of the alliance, to consider specific environmental problems with the object of stimulating action to treat them by member-governments, to perform various tasks aimed at improving the existing system of international environmental regulation, and to coordinate the efforts of NATO members in this area of concern. 2 The Council intended the Committee to be action-oriented rather than deliberative, and adopted the pilot project concept as its principal operating procedure. Through this device any NATO country wishing to investigate a specific environmental problem is encouraged to bring its proposal to one of the two plenary sessions held each year to test the reaction of the other members of the Committee and to learn if any other country wants to participate in the project. If the response is favourable, the pilot

Will the Real Dulles Please Stand Up

Abstract: Townsend Hoopes' The Devil and John Foster Dulles is the latest addition to a growing literature on the late secretary of state. From this bibliography the interested reader can select a wide variety of interpretations. At the most favourable end of the scale we find a biography by David and Deane Heller,' who portray Dulles as an heroic figure manning the ramparts of freedom. The book is unburdened by serious analysis or critical assessment of Dulles' diplomacy. Except for its publication after Dulles' death it might be mistaken for a campaign biography. John Robinson Beal's study appeared in two editions, one of which appeared while Dulles was still in office.. Although a substantially weightier effort than that of the Hellers, it depicted Dullesian diplomacy in generally favourable terms, finding little to criticize in either the conception or the execution of his foreign policies. Michael Guhin's recent biography is both scholarly and highly sympathetic.3 Originally a doctoral dissertation, it is heavily documented but written in a lucid style that belies its origins. Guhin's thesis is that Dulles was a shrewd diplomat whose welldeveloped appreciation for the art of the possible was unimpaired