Showing papers in "International Organization in 1969"
TL;DR: One of the most striking features of contemporary international politcs has been the conspicuousness of small states in an era marked by increasing military disparity between Great and Small as mentioned in this paper, which has become a serious focus of scholarly research; some writers have considered it an institution of great importance.
Abstract: ONE of the most striking features of contemporary international politcs has been the conspicuousness of small states in an era marked by increasing military disparity between Great and Small. Using the United Nations as a forum and a force and claiming \"nonalignment\" as an important diplomatic innovation, small states have risen to prominence if not to power. With their emergence nonalignment has become a serious focus of scholarly research; some writers have considered it an institution of great importance.' Yet with the exception of Annette Baker Fox's pioneering work
451 citations
TL;DR: In an earlier article as mentioned in this paper, Ernst Haas and this author suggested a set of strategic "background conditions", "conditions at the time of initiation, and process conditions" intended (hypothetically) to assess the political consequences of an initial agreement to lower or remove mutual barriers to the movement of productive factors.
Abstract: In an earlier article published in this journal Ernst Haas and this author suggested a set of strategic “background conditions,” “conditions at the time of initiation,” and “process conditions” intended (hypothetically) to assess the political consequences of an initial agreement to lower or remove mutual barriers to the movement of productive factors.
389 citations
TL;DR: In this article, a comparative study of executive heads of international organizations is presented, focusing on how the executive head protects and develops his position as top man and how, by doing so, he may be the creator of a new (if yet slender) world power base.
Abstract: The quality of executive leadership may prove to be the most critical single determinant of the growth in scope and authority of international organization. Now sufficiently long and varied to allow a comparative approach, the history of international organization may provide elements for a theory of leadership. This essay is but a preliminary effort in that direction. It is concerned not only with how the executive head protects and develops his position as top man but also with how, by doing so, he may be the creator of a new (if yet slender) world power base. The origin of the comparative study of executive heads of international organizations was the observation that Albert Thomas was a very different kind of man from Sir Eric Drummond and had very different ideas about how to carry out his job. From this observation stemmed a number of speculations. The failure of the League of Nations in the late thirties was contrasted with the apparent success of the International Labor Organization (ILO). Would the story have been different had a Thomas been secretary-general of the League? Or would – as seems to have been Sir Eric Drummond's view – the nature of the job have led a Thomas to fail in the League? Whatever disagreement surrounds this speculation there is a greater measure of agreement that with the Drummond approach the ILO would have become nothing more than a technical information bureau.
132 citations
TL;DR: The problem of the "Mount Everest Syndrome" as discussed by the authors has been attributed to the lack of systematic and testable theory in the field of international organization, which is caused by a deficiency of techniques for quantitative analysis rather than by the absence of attention to theoretical conceptualization.
Abstract: Except for the subfield of comparative regional integration, international organization as an area of study is notorious for its lack of systematic and testable theory. This situation has been created less by a deficiency of techniques for quantitative analysis than by the absence of attention to theoretical conceptualization and its necessary accompaniment, the imaginative use of data to test hypotheses. There is little shortage of case studies, abstract theorizing, or sophisticated quantitative techniques, but systematic testing of important concepts is rare. Much of the literature in the field fails even to ask relevant and important theoretical questions. The “Mount Everest Syndrome”–studying international organizations “because they are there”–has afflicted the field for too long.
46 citations
TL;DR: A fundamental contradiction underlying recent theorizing on international politics which pertains to the relative significance and scope of interstate, as opposed to intrastate, politics is discussed in this article.
Abstract: THERE is a fundamental contradiction underlying recent theorizing on international politics which pertains to the relative significance and scope of interstate, as opposed to intrastate, politics. On the descriptive level this contradiction refers to the question of whether or not the world is becoming more interdependent. Some of the authors under discussion say that higher levels of modernization are accompanied by increased governmental powers and functional scope and relatively lower levels of interstate interaction. Both factors are said to enhance national independence. Others find that modernization results in higher absolute levels of interstate interactions and interdependence and lower levels of control by governments both domestically and in foreign affairs. The evidence for this second hypothesis seems to be compelling although there are significant reasons for entertaining the first. The implications of both hypotheses about the state of international relations are far-reaching. In analytic terms they concern the unit of theorizing,
45 citations
TL;DR: In this article, a comparative study of common markets and free trade associations in terms of their capacity to transform member states into a political union is presented, with the aim of assessing the chances of success of various discrete efforts at regional unification.
Abstract: As common markets, free trade associations, and limited-purpose regional arrangements continue to proliferate in many corners of the globe, the basic question of the relevance of these efforts to the process of building political communities also continues to be posed for theorist and practitioner alike. One approach for linking these two phenomena is the intensive and comparative study of common markets and free trade associations in terms of their capacity to transform member states into a political union. In principle, at least, the careful and comparative study of key variables in the process of achieving and perfecting economic unity at the regional level could yield propositions which might have predictive value for assessing the chances of success of various discrete efforts at regional unification. In methodological terms such an approach would combine case studies with the use of aggregate data.
38 citations
TL;DR: Deutsch has argued that since the mid-1950's the structural, or institutional, political integration of Western Europe has come to a halt as discussed by the authors and that political decisions will continue to be made by sovereign nation states and not by any supranational European institutions.
Abstract: Karl Deutsch has argued that since the mid-1950's the structural, or institutional, political integration of Western Europe has come to a halt. What Deutsch means by the halt of political integration in Western Europe is the ending of any trend toward the development or the expansion of the authority of supranational institutions to make major policy decisions. Political decisions will continue to be made by sovereign nationstates and not by any supranational European institutions. Although institutional political integration is the central variable in his analysis, Deutsch reports no attempts to directly measure the decisionmaking capability of any Western European supranational institution. By accepting the validity of his sociocausal paradigm of political integration, which holds that political integration cannot occur until after a process of social assimilation creates a homogeneous transnational population, Deutsch contends that in order to describe the levels of political integration in Western Europe he need only examine data relating to the levels of social homogeneity which characterize that region. To measure the extent of social assimilation in Western Europe Deutsch examines the transaction flow rates of trade, mail, travel, migration, and student exchange data and studies the responses of mass and elite population samples to a complex series of survey questions. Deutsch's analysis of these varied data leads him to conclude that the levels of social assimilation in Western Europe have 1) remained constant for the past decade and 2) are too low to permit institutional political integration to occur.
27 citations
TL;DR: The United Nations at its present stage of development is a political system of formally coordinate Members, each able to place before the Organization the demands that flow from its own environment as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The United Nations at its present stage of development is a political system of formally coordinate Members, each able to place before the Organization the demands that flow from its own environment. One can hypothesize that a stable environment will yield a stable pattern of demands on the United Nations political system. Similarly it can be hypothesized that a change in the environment—the major components of which are the Member States—will change the pattern of demands made on the political system of the Organization. It is on just such a change that this article proposes to focus. In the period between 1955 and the end of 1968, 37 African states, largely devoid of experience in the contemporary international arena and struggling with the multitudinous problems of fashioning coherent national entities in the face of both internal and external pressures, joined the United Nations. The admission of these states substantially altered the Organization's environment and the demands being made upon it. It is suggested here that these changes have been so substantial as to alter the nature of the political process of the Organization. Concern will be focused successively upon the nature of the entry of the African states into the United Nations, a determination of the areas in which the African states have made demands upon the system, the constitutional structure of the Organization as it has evolved under the impact of the African states, the impact of the African states on the handling of major issues, and finally on trends and implications of the role of African states in the United Nations.
21 citations
TL;DR: In recent years, political scientists have given increasing attention to the phenomenon of legitimacy, defined by as mentioned in this paper as the quality of "oughtness" perceived by members of a political system to inhere in the system's authorities and/or regime.
Abstract: In recent years political scientists have given increasing attention to the phenomenon of legitimacy, defined, following Richard Merelman, as the quality of “oughtness” perceived by members of a political system to inhere in the system's authorities and/or regime. The more the regime is regarded as morally proper and elicits generalized favorable attitudes from its constituency—i.e., is perceived to be legitimate—the more the members are predisposed to comply with directives of the authorities even when they are under no serious compulsion to do so or their own immediate self-interest does not so dictate.
20 citations
TL;DR: A more valid indicator can be devised for the adjusted mean deviation in the total gross national products of the member states.
Abstract: Barrera and Haas suggest as an operational indicator of the "relative size or power of units" entering an economic integration scheme the adjusted mean deviation in the total gross national products of the member states. Without disputing its utility as a measure of the heterogeneity of distribution of a single indicator-and conceding its accordance with the subjective panel ratings of the same phenomenon2-I believe a more valid indicator can be devised.
19 citations
TL;DR: In the United Nations as in other political organizations elective offices are eagerly sought as badges of prestige and levers of influence as discussed by the authors, and some of the most hotly contested political battles in United Nations have centred around elections to the prestigious and influential nonpermanent seats on the Security Council Contests have sometimes run to many ballots before any country emerged with the required two-thirds majority, and deadlock has more than once forced a compromise in which the two-year term was divided between two contenders.
Abstract: In the United Nations as in other political organizations elective offices are eagerly sought as badges of prestige and levers of influence Some of the most hotly contested political battles in the United Nations have centred around elections to the prestigious and influential nonpermanent seats on the Security Council Contests have sometimes run to many ballots before any country emerged with the required two-thirds majority, and deadlock has more than once forced a compromise in which the two-year term was divided between two contenders Indicative of the feeling sometimes aroused was Indonesia's withdrawal from the United Nations in 1965 which, although prompted by other motives as well, was timed to serve as a protest against the seating of Malaysia on the Security Council Contests for other positions are generally less spirited, but there are invariably more office seekers than offices
TL;DR: The question "Who cares about the organization?" can lead to significant findings about differential levels of involvement as discussed by the authors, which can suggest members' policy priorities as well as illuminating Behavioral patterns within the organization.
Abstract: Members of most organizations are involved at different levels of intensity: Some participants pay more attention to the organization than others. Thus the question “Who cares about the organization?” can lead to significant findings about differential levels of involvement. These findings, in turn, suggest members’ policy priorities as well as illuminating Behavioral patterns within the organization.
TL;DR: The United Nations is no more malapportioned now than it was in 1945 as discussed by the authors, in terms of population, wealth, or budget assessments, and the United Nations General Assembly has always been a one-state, one-one-vote body.
Abstract: In recent years considerable concern has been expressed in the United States over the changing composition of the United Nations membership and the failure of the one-state, one-vote formula in the General Assembly to reflect the actual power and significance of the different United Nations Members. “Malapportionment” as such is frequently not the issue here, for whether one looks at population, wealth, or budget assessments the United Nations General Assembly has always been “malapportioned.” And, at least in terms of population, the United Nations is no more malapportioned now than it was in 1945. Rather than a concern with a new situation, the growing emphasis on this issue is often a reflection of the fear that malapportionment will now operate to the disadvantage of the United States; that is, the ”overrepresented” states of today may not be as closely associated with the United States as the ”overrepresented” states of the past.
TL;DR: For example, this article argued that the two are sildes of the proverbial coin and that the experience of the one has meaning for the other, and the present troubles of the domestic "war on povetty" do not diminish the value of the comparison.
Abstract: TOWARD the end of the Administration of Lyndon Johnson it became briefly popular to talk about programs for eliminating poverty at home versus programs for mitigating poverty abroad. But it can also be argued that the two are sildes of the proverbial coin and that the experience of the one has meaning for the other. The present troubles of the domestic "war on povetty" do not diminish the value of the comparison. If anything, they enhance the need to consider the programs together. The rationale for attacking poverty is much the same at home and abroad though better recognized domestically. The simple moral argument that the rich have an obligation to help the poor ("God says so," says a senior developmenrt scholar of my acquaintance not entirely facetiously) is perhaps more compeliling than it is fashionable to admit. And the connection between poverty and insecurity for the rich has been made frequently. While the urgency of attacking domestic poverty is easier for Americans to see-after all, our cities are burningthe argument on the international plane is still obvious enough. Basically, we must simply recognize ithat we are in the business of building a community, a sense of shared purpose and shared destiny, both at home and abroad. The central values of our own civilization permit no less. "Anti-commitment," as Harlan Cleveland says, is "irrelevant."' At home we have long accepted the proposition that a community musit take responsibility for the welfare of all its members and that this will require some form of concerted action in favor of the weak and the poor. If nothing else so dictates, the familiar shrinkage of our planet requires that we apply the same reasoning to the world at large. It would be foolish to convince ourselves that the problem is simply one of economics. "This is the decade of the Negro's claim to full equality in all aspects of American life," James Tobin
TL;DR: The decision of the Supreme Council of the Paris Peace Conference in January 1919 to place the German colonies and Turkish territories under the supervision of the League of Nations raised serious political and legal questions to which no one had satisfactory answers.
Abstract: The decision of the Supreme Council of the Paris Peace Conference in January 1919 to place the German colonies and Turkish territories under the supervision of the League of Nations raised serious political and legal questions to which no one had satisfactory answers. But, by contrast with the numerous recent studies of World War I and the Peace Conference that deal at least in passing with the origins and establishment of the mandates system, there are very few satisfactory scholarly essays that analyzer the aftermath of the Peace Conference's deliberations on international colonial affairs. The opening of the archives of the government of the United Kingdom after 1919 provides a good opportunity to review the subject and to examine what the unpublished records reveal about international supervision in colonial areas.
TL;DR: For example, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) as mentioned in this paper is a multilateral agreement between the United Kingdom, France, and the United States that is based on the Tripartite Declaration of 1936 and the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
Abstract: Peaceable relations between states require that each nation affected by another's acts be induced to acquiesce in all those acts, but this acquiescence may take many forms. It may be quite positive, involving affirmation and, at times, concerted action, or it may be negative, involving mere silence or pro forma protest and, most importantly, total abstinence from countervailing acts. Economic and financial relations between states display all forms of acquiescence and too often demonstrate the sad results of failure to obtain consent. Their history, however, manifests gradual progress from an erratic reliance on tacit consent to a wide-ranging reliance on positive, explicit undertakings frequently accompanied by concerted action. Increasingly, moreover, that concerted action has been multilateral, not just bilateral. The tariff warfare of the twenties and earlier decades has now given way to the formal regulation of tariff policies, and the bilateral trade agreements of the 1930's, covering exclusively tariff reductions, have been replaced by a single comprehensive multilateral arrangement, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) dealing with all aspects of commercial policy. The competitive exchange-rate depreciations of the thirties have likewise given way to formal regulation, beginning with the Tripartite Declaration of 1936 involving the United Kingdom, France, and the United States and culminating in the Articles of Agreement adopted by the Bretton Woods Conference of 1944 establishing the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
TL;DR: In this article, it was shown that even the limited effects thus far produced do not stop at some predetermined boundary; both nationally and internationally attempts to modify weather can be expected to cause dislocations and friction, and that man still needs to learn much more and to develop faster computers before he can begin to think of safely undertaking intentional modification on a local and highly selected basis.
Abstract: At the present time scientific opinion has shifted to the view that man can, in certain circumstances and at certain places, modify at least local weather conditions in limited ways. Many believe that man can dissipate certain “cold” fogs in limited areas for short periods; that he can increase rainfall or snowfall by perhaps ten to fifteen percent in a local area in narrowly limited circumstances; that he can probably convert hail into less dangerous forms of precipitation, also in narrowly limited circumstances.1 Some experiments are being conducted to learn more about such phenomena as hurricanes and lightning. Man still needs to learn much more and to develop faster computers before he can begin to think of safely undertaking intentional modification on anything more than a local and highly selected basis. Nevertheless, it is clear that even the limited effects thus far produced do not stop at some predetermined boundary; both nationally and internationally attempts to modify weather can be expected to cause dislocations and friction.
TL;DR: The differences in goals, means and settings that have affected United States policy toward participation in and cooperation with regional organizations have been the cause of serious debate in the past and are becoming so again as we approach the 1970's.
Abstract: Regionalism has a long history as an important instrument of American foreign policy. Yet such a statement does not do justice to the variations in goals, means, and settings that have affected United States policy toward participation in and cooperation with regional organizations. These differences have been the cause of serious debate in the past and are becoming so again as we approach the 1970's.
TL;DR: The Eighteen-nation Committee on Disarmament (ENDC) devoted its major efforts from the end of July 1965 until April 1968 to negotiating the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons, spending little time on other arms control measures in the sessions throughout this period as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament (ENDC) devoted its major efforts from the endof July 1965 until April 1968 to negotiating the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons, spending little time on other arms control measures in the sessions throughout this period. In May 1968 the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics jointly presented the draft treaty to the First (Political and Security) Committee of the United Nations General Assembly. After lengthy debate and acceptance of several amendments to meet the wishes of nonnuclear states the Treaty reached its final form on May 21, 1968, and was “commended” in General Assembly Resolution 2373 (XXII) of June 12, 1968.
TL;DR: The authors argue that a particular element in the external environment has been the key incentive for Sweden's position in current negotiations for a Nordic customs union and connected economic package and that an evaluation of this same external factor will be crucial for Norway's and Denmark's decision.
Abstract: Stanley Hoffmann, Joseph Nye, and Karl Kaiser have all stressed the significance of the external environment in determining the attractiveness of a regional plan; Ernst Haas has acknowledged that he neglected this in his earlier model of the integrative process. I shall argue here 1) that a particular element in the external environment has been the key incentive for Sweden’s position in current negotiations for a Nordic customs union and connected economic package and 2) that an evaluation of this same external factor will be crucial for Norway’s and Denmark’s decision.
TL;DR: In this paper, it is assumed that there are basically two kinds of people: nationalists and integrationists (or "Europeans") and to the extent that one type is more numerous than 'the other', one set of policy preferences will prevail over the other.
Abstract: IT is not uncommon to hear discussions of European integration revolve ar-ound the question of whether nationalism is on a decline or an upswing.' It seems obvious to assume that "nationalism" and "integration" are opposites and that the presence of one precludes the other. At the level of individual attitudes this argument assumes that there are basically two kinds of people: nationalists and integrationists (or "Europeans"). To the extent that one type is more numerous than 'the other, one set of policy preferences will prevail over the other. Put in somewhat more vivid terms, European integration is sometimes conceptualized as a battle between two distinct groups-the nationalists and the internationalists-and victory will go to the more numerous and influential of the two. However obvious this conceptualization may appear, there are a number of alternative possibilities. Policy preferences which are logically opposed may not be viewed as such (e.g., lowering taxes and increasing government services). Similarly, differences in intensity of attitudes may permit the holding of contradictory viewpoints. A third possibility is that two conflicting attitudes, e.g., being anti-American and anti-Soviet, may be part of a third larger attitude-disliking everyone. Other possibilities could easily be enumerated, but the point is that the relation between different attitudes or policy preferences
TL;DR: In this paper, the implied interrelations between law and international organization are assumed rather than explored, and they are seen as an aspect of law partaking of its forms and sharing its purposes.
Abstract: “International-Law-and-Organization” has become a hyphenated conception but the implied interrelations are assumed rather than explored All international organization, of course, may be seen as an aspect of law partaking of its forms and sharing its purposes Law and organization have in common that, in both, nations eschew laissez-faire and “going it alone” and identify and prefer common interests Often, on the other hand, one thinks of international organization in contradistinction to law as making different promises, suffering different limitations, evoking different loyalties
TL;DR: The decision of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to occupy Czechoslovakia in August 1968, while it represents a fundamental turning point in Soviet foreign policy, most of whose implications are ambiguous yet ominous, should not be permitted to obscure the fact that the Soviet regime remains confronted with a wide array of postponed internal and external problems that demand action and yet defy resolution as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The decision of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to occupy Czechoslovakia in August 1968, while it represents a fundamental turning point in Soviet foreign policy, most of whose implications are ambiguous yet ominous, should not be permitted to obscure the fact that the Soviet regime remains confronted with a wide array of postponed internal and external problems that demand action and yet defy resolution. The decision to arrest forcibly the processes of liberalization in Czechoslovakia stands out as an uncharacteristic act of will on the part of a regime whose four years in power have been marked by drift, indecisiveness, vacillation, paralysis, and “muddling through.” For five years the government of Leonid Brezhnev and Alexei Kosygin has postponed action on painful problems, has permitted events and situations to accumulate dangerously, and in general has allowed itself to be dominated by events rather than domesticating them. During its first two years in office the regime's inaction was perhaps inaccurately ascribed to prudence, caution, and calculated restraint. It now appears in retrospect that paralysis was confused with prudence, inertia was mistaken for caution, and factional indecisiveness was accepted as self-restraint.
TL;DR: A visitor from another, more advanced, planet would find many extraordinary paradoxes on earth, but surely the most extraordinary would be the fantastic destructive potential of nuclear weapons which contrasts starkly with the primitive and near-impotent institutions of global peacekeeping as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: A visitor from another, more advanced, planet would find many extraordinary paradoxes on earth, but surely the most extraordinary would be the fantastic destructive potential of nuclear weapons which contrasts starkly with the primitive and near-impotent institutions of global peacekeeping. He might marvel that a breed capable of producing the wealth for a $185 billion armory of lethal devices, let alone the technology for killing several hundred million humans in a single exchange of nuclear weapons, had not also produced a workable international order capable of regulating such apocalyptic man-made power.
TL;DR: For the past two decades the nation-state in Western Europe has been on the defensive as a principle of political organization and the nationalism which sustains it has been held in disrepute as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: For the past two decades the nation-state in Western Europe has been on the defensive as a principle of political organization and the nationalism which sustains it has been held in disrepute. The assailants have been both internal, reacting against the increasing centralization which comes first with nation building and later with modernization, industrialization, and increasing welfare activity, and external in the form of federalist, neo-functionalist, and supranationalist claims against the nation-state. These latter claims challenge the material adequacy of the nation-state to fulfill the security and welfare demands of the modern age and die moral validity of the principle of nationalism at whose door has been laid the responsibility for the bellicosity, aggression, war, and destruction which plagued the European Continent during the first half of this century.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on four central questions which the author believes are closely related to the problem of progress in the study of international organizations: 1) What has been the role of international organisations in the national security strategy of the United States; 2) what have been the impact of participation in international organizations on the range of United States choices and methods in the foreign policy area; 3) what impact have changes in the shape of the international political system had upon United States participation in the international organizations and upon those organizations' impact on the U.S.'s impact on
Abstract: This review essay will focus on four central questions which the author believes to be closely related to the problem of progress in the study of international organizations. These questions, narrowed to fit the scope of this essay, are the following: 1) What has been the role of international organizations in the national security strategy of the United States; 2) what has been the impact of the United States in the international organizations of which it is a member; 3) what has been the impact of participation in international organizations on the range of United States choices and methods in the foreign policy area; 4) what impact have changes in the shape of the international political system had upon United States participation in international organizations and upon those organizations' impact on the United States. This analysis will concentrate only on studies relevant to these themes.
TL;DR: Barros and Cox as mentioned in this paper reviewed a number of studies which concern the office of the secretary-general of the United Nations, focusing on some of the more important and general of these that this review will concentrate.
Abstract: THE office of the Secretary-General has always been a central focus of those who have studied the structure and politics of the United Nations. Recently a number of studies have appeared which concern this office, and it is on some of the more important and general of these that this review will concentrate. It !shoiild be noted that two of the studies (those by Barros and Cox) do not specifically center on the office of the UN SecretaryGeneral, but at the same time they say a great deal about it. Barros' book concentrates on a particular Secretary-General of the League of Nations, but it seeks to clarify the background of the UN office and to generalize about the political role of both the League and UN Secretaries-General. Cox's article focuses on ;the executive officers of all international organizations, but in so doing makes numerous specific and general points Which are relevant to the UN executive head.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors address the issue of the extent to which and the ways in which the United Nations may serve the interest of the United States in the maintenance of world peace during the decade that lies ahead.
Abstract: This essay is addressed to the issue of the extent to which and the ways in which the United Nations may serve the interest of the United States in the maintenance of world peace during the decade that lies ahead. It rests upon two assumptions, both of which require careful qualification: first, the assumption that the United States has, and recognizes that it has, a fundamental interest in international peace; second, the assumption that the United Nations is in principle an organization dedicated to the promotion of international peace.