Showing papers in "International Political Science Review in 1988"

The Survival of Presidentialism in America: Para-constitutional Practices

Abstract: Ubiquitous episodes of military rule in some 33 presidentialist regimes modeled on that of the United States suggest that it may not be the context but rather faults in this type of constitution that predispose it to breakdowns. If this premise is correct then we need to explain why, despite its fragility, the American Constitution has survived for 200 years. Separating systemic from contextual factors, we look for "para- constitutional" practices, i.e. those that are a prerequisite to system survival, even if they are not included in the written Constitution.

Patterned Chaos in Global Life: Structure and Process in the Two Worlds of World Politics 1:

Abstract: The changing world scene is marked by innumerable developments for which extant paradigms have, at best, strained and insufficient explanations. Here the analysis undertakes a fresh approach to the emergent patterns of global life by tracing a bifurcation in which the state-centric world coexists and interacts with a diffuse multi-centric world consisting of diverse "sovereignty-free" actors who endlessly confront an "autonomy" dilemma that differs significantly from the "security" dilemma of states. An outline of the basic structures and processes of this two-world universe of world politics suggests that its equilibrium may derive from cyclical patterns in which orientations at the micro-level toward authority and legitimacy vary systematically to redress the balance of systems and subsystems at the macro level.

Bureaucratic Morality in Africa

Abstract: An attempt is made here to bring together diverse writings on bureaucratic morality from different African countries. We examine the evidence of low bureaucratic morality and take a critical look at the different attempts to explain and prescribe for this problem. As a step towards the synthesis of these diverse perspectives, we suggest that the critical issue in most African countries is how the use of power is constituted. This influences the effectiveness of regular institutions in ensuring bureaucratic morality and responsibility. A case is made for a review of African constitutions in the light of this analysis and discussion. Public services in the developing world as a whole have a low rating in respect of public morality. Third World states have been characterized as "soft" states, in which corruption runs riot and has become endemic, hindering innovation and inhibiting all efforts to eradicate unethical and irresponsible attitudes and behaviour.' A considerable portion of the literature on corruption in the Third World has been on Africa. In this paper, we review the literature on bureaucratic malfunctioning in the region as well as consider some of the suggestions that have been put forward for improving the performance of African public services. In a later section, we examine the prospects for the future on the basis of our analysis and review. It is, however, important that we put our discussion in perspective at the outset. Our interest in bureaucratic conduct implies the acknowledgement of some norm of bureaucratic behaviour, a departure from which constitutes misconduct or "corrup- tion." It is therefore necessary to explain what our norm of bureaucratic behaviour is. In this connection, our reference point is Max Weber, who argued that the bureaucracy is a significant cultural innovation in that it is the most technically superior form of all types of human organization. Through it, organizational efficiency and effectiveness are raised to the optimum. Its constituent elements are impersonality, objectivity, political neutrality, secrecy and record-keeping (Gerth and Mills, 1946). No African country today has proposed alternative standards of public service morality; rather, they have each striven to ensure that their public bureaucracies conform to the ethical standards and codes inherited from their erstwhile colonial masters. It is from this viewpoint that alarm has been raised concerning the observed

Ideology as Dystopia: An Interpretation of Blade Runner

Abstract: Film and other forms of popular culture place enormously powerful tools at the disposal of students of politics and society. This paper analyses an aesthetically complex, philosophically disturbing and ideologic ally ambivalent cinematic dystopia of a few years ago, Blade Runner. Unlike the vast majority of films in the science fiction genre, Blade Runner refuses to neutralize the most abhorrent tendencies of our age and casts serious doubt on a host of the cliches about where we should locate their causes. Among the most significant questions it challenges us to confront are: In what does the "truly human" consist? Does the concept of imitating "truly human" beings retain any coherence once the feasibility of designing "more human than human" robots becomes an increasingly imaginable technological possibility? What might relations between the sexes and family life become if the twin eventuality of an uninhabitable earth and the perfection of robotic technologies should come about? While political theoris...

Bureaucratic Morality in the United States

Abstract: This paper argues that the responsible use of administrative discretion is the most fundamental ethical issue for American bureaucrats; more fundamental than such highly visible issues as conflict of interest and financial disclosure. The argument is supported by references to academic literature, examples in administrative practice, and an analysis of the purpose behind the establishment of the Senior Executive Service in the Civil Service Reform Act of 1978. Although the responsible use of administrative discretion is not a problem confined to the United States, the formal separation of powers in the American Constitution gives the problem a peculiarly American orientation. Despite managerial doctrines on "unity of command," American bureaucrats receive conflicting "signals" from competing institutions of government. This problem does not stem from misconduct on the part of anyone, but from the primary legitimating symbol of American politics, the Constitution of the United States. Specific examples of this problem are given from such areas as the EPA Superfund, passive restraints in automobiles and surface mining regulations. This article presents a brief overview of the problem of "bureaucratic morality" in the United States. The two words in quotation marks need some explanation. By "bureaucrat" I mean a public official who is hired, retained, promoted and retired (or fired) through a merit system. I distinguish bureaucrats from officials who have been either elected or politically appointed. "Morality" is a broader term than "ethics." It captures nicely questions of character as well as the narrower concerns usually associated with ethics and codes of ethics. The article has two major sections. The first attempts to state the American' version of the problem of bureaucratic morality. The second shows how certain peculiarities of American government affect the American problem of bureaucratic morality. The article proceeds from the widely held opinion that administration is best understood as a function of regime and not as a universal science.

The Faltering Development of Cable Television in Britain

Abstract: This paper summarizes the development of cable systems and cable policy in Britain from the 1920s into the late 1980s. It links the course of cable system development to four general types of factors: (1) the strength of organized interests in support of and in opposition to cable; (2) the pragmatic ability of a new service such as cable to meet reasonably the expectations of major actors; (3) supports and constraints within the legal-institutional framework, including the nature of cable policy itself; and (4) the role of both positive and negative symbols surrounding this particular innovation. The case suggests ways in which the faltering development of cable television in Britain reflects the unique historical circumstances of cable and broadcasting in this nation. But since the same forces may be at work in other national settings, this typology of factors and, particularly, the role of symbolic politics is offered as a framework for comparative inquiry. The course of cable technology in British broadcasting has been erratic, marked by hyped ups and depressed downs. This paper outlines some of the key historical developments and seeks to explain the path that cable television has taken., It assumes that the latter task requires a classification of factors that could explain the fate of communication technologies in a national setting and illustrates the use of such a scheme for Britain. It stresses particularly the need to include within any such scheme a category of symbolic factors, arguing that the fate of a new technology may depend significantly on its resonance with meaningful supportive symbols, as well as the strength of any opposing symbols it may threaten. Because symbols are rooted in societal cultures, which differ cross-nationally, this concept has potential value for comparative analyses of communication policy: that is, the symbolic politics of communication technologies might account in part for cross-national variation in patterns of support and obstruction for otherwise similar technological innovations in communication.

Visionary Political Leadership: On Improving a Risky Requisite

Abstract: Basic human needs combined with political processes and societal requirements periodically make visionary political leadership (VPL) unavoidable and functionally necessary. But VPL is highly risky, often leading to catastrophes. Foreseeable situations sharpen the dilemma, making VPL more likely and more necessary while also increasing its dangers, thanks to modern technologies. Therefore it is essential to improve VPL. Eight proposals for improvement are presented in this article: selection and election of VPL; training, education, and insight upgrading of VPL; advisory structures for VPL; practical vision developing organiza tions ; procedures for democratic choice among practical visions; special implementation instruments; procedures for removal of dangerous VPL; and international control and containment of fanatical VPL. The neoplatonic nature of such proposals is recognized. But without far-reaching innovations, there is no hope of improving VPL, its needed functions will not be properly satisfied, a...

Political Leadership in Sub-Saharan Africa: From Giants to Dwarfs

Abstract: National liberation struggles and the subsequent activity of nation-building have dominated the political development of sub-Saharan African states. However, only the former process has produced first-rate political leaders, amongst whom Kwame Nkrumah and Sekou Tour6 are the best examples. In the nation-building stage, leaders most often failed, in terms both of low effectiveness and instability of office-holders. Reasons for this failure can be seen partly in the distinction between the sharply focused objective of national independence and the vagueness of the concept of post-independence development. Two major broad issues that have dominated both national and international attention with respect to the post-independence sub-Saharan African states, are the nationalist (liberation) struggles that heralded their independence and the subsequent efforts aimed at nation-building. The central argument of this article is that while the nationalist struggle phase witnessed the emergence of some first-rate political leaders, the nation-building phase has not only failed to produce leaders of comparable stature, but has also witnessed a decline in the achievements of those who, having won their laurels as great leaders during the earlier phase, retained the leadership mantle under the second phase. Does this mean that the leadership qualities required during the nationalist struggle phase differ significantly from those required for the nation-building phase? Or is it the case that the circumstances-historical, political, and economic-under which nationalist struggles took place were profoundly different from the post-independence realities under which the nation-building goal is being pursued? Answers to these two questions assist in developing the argument summarized in the opening paragraph. In the first section of this article I use the careers of selected outstanding nationalist leaders to shed light on the points raised above regarding the nationalist struggle phase. Specifically, I highlight what I regard as the qualities of the great nationalist leaders and the factors that contributed to their success. The second section of the article is devoted to the nation-building phase and the phenomenon of leadership failure. In a third and final section, I highlight the salient features of political leadership in Africa during the nationalist struggle and the nation-building period.

Bureaucratic Morality in India

Abstract: Independent India inherited the best administrative machinery among all developing nations, along with a highly moral and dedicated public service. However, bureaucratic immorality soon engulfed the political and administrative apparatus of the country. This paper focuses on the insidious aspects of such a change in India's bureaucratic culture, analyses briefly the state of political corruption and the misuse of constitutional and legal mechanisms, and concludes with lamentation on the prevailing politico-bureaucratic morality and its impact on the body politic of India.

Bureaucratic Morality: Concluding Comments

Abstract: During the past three decades there has been an enormous increase in the scope of governmental activity and in the range of its objectives. This expansion has deposited immense power and authority in the hands of public officials, thereby increasing opportunities for abuse of power and authority, as well as incidents of unethical activities. This paper examines these aspects, particularly in the context of expected standards of performance of public servants and the ethical issues confronting public officials in the Western as well as in the Third World nations. The essay During the past three decades there has been an enormous increase in the scope of governmental activity and in the range of its objectives. The public demand for ever more government services has given the state further opportunity to acquire more power in the interests of satisfying the collective needs of the society. The state regulates social and economic institutions, harnesses national energies, advances public education and welfare, sponsors and cultivates recreational and cultural events, provides means of transportation and communications, and undertakes many more allied activities. In order to provide these services, governments in all countries have appointed a great many officials, whose numbers continue to grow. This expansion, both in scope and activity, has given the state an awesome power base. It is obvious that when more demands are placed on government, it responds by providing additional services; consequently, as power gets increasingly concentrated in the hands of politicians and public servants, the society is increasingly administered. In this situation, opportunities for the misuse of power and for unethical behaviour

The Process of Personal Leadership: The Case of de Gaulle:

Abstract: Assessing personal leadership is a highly problematic task. However, a fairly simply framework can be developed based on the interaction of the leader's personal qualities, his or her relationship with the body politic, and his or her relationship with the state. Four consequent types of personal leadership derived from this framework are focused on here: routine leadership, integrative leadership, catalytic leadership and transformative leadership. The framework is then applied to the case of General de Gaulle, late President of the Republic of France (1958-1969). Consideration of a wide variety of structural and conjunctural factors leads to the conclusion that de Gaulle was primarily a catalytic leader rather than a transformative leader. The study of personal leadership-leadership exercised by a single individual- confronts the analyst with one of the most fundamental dilemmas in social science. Like the historian's grappling with the relationship between "event history" and the tongue duree, or the theorist's vacillation between philosophical analysis and the history of ideas, the political scientist's search for regularities and structural explanations often meshes poorly in practice with his or her pragmatic perception of the idiosyncratic influence of individuals on politics. The "great man" (or woman) approach to political stasis and change has been rightly excoriated for its misleading oversimplifications, and yet it seems blindingly obvious that personalities do matter: that the relationship between individual psychologies, social structures, and political/historical conjunctures can vary dramatically and unpredictably; that political outcomes depend upon a complex conjunctural nexus in which "leadership" can be both a crucial and a relatively independent variable; and that even political structures can undergo incremental-or, more significantly (if very rarely), paradigmatic-change as the result of individual interventions. The aim of this article is to outline a fairly simple framework for the analysis of personal leadership as a political "process," and briefly to apply that framework as a way of understanding how de Gaulle's leadership worked in France in the middle of the 20th century. I first suggest what might be some of the dimensions of such a "process"-the ways in which individual leaders interact with wider political structures and processes; I then consider four of the more salient "styles" of personal leadership which emerge from the interaction of these dimensions; and finally apply

Bureaucratic Morality in the United Kingdom

Abstract: A model of bureaucratic morality is developed in which a hierarchy of four levels of expectation is associated with a hierarchy of control systems. The four levels of expectation are: bureaucratic discipline (time-keeping, following instructions, etc.); bureaucratic trust (probity, rectitude, care for the public purse); bureaucratic fairness (impartiality, doing right); and bureaucratic professional honour (loyalty, commitment). The four systems of control are: supervision within the bureaucracy; monitoring by other bureaucracies; check by extra-bureaucratic mechan- isms; and elite socialization. Recent cases and current anxieties in the United Kingdom are described under each head. corruption among officials. That in its turn usually means bribery and extortion, plus nepotism. But I should like to suggest that (a) "morality" covers a lot more than bribery, extortion, and nepotism; and (b) official morals in spheres beyond those of illicit cash-flow and jobs may be just as culture-specific as they are within these spheres. The content of any culture's "bureaucratic morals" is exemplified by what typically upsets people about the conduct of their officials, and in this paper I try to convey what worries people in the United Kingdom at the present time, and how, in general, we attempt to cope with it.

Introduction: Political Leadership from a Comparative Perspective

Abstract: others: kings, commanders, and prophets. Historians took their inspiration from Plutarch, whose biographies of famous rulers served as a moral guide for future princes; theologians from St Augustine on have attempted to distinguish between legitimate rulers and tyrants; political writers have sought to portray the perfect ruler. Since Machiavelli, they have added a new dimension to the old criteria, that of effectiveness. Philosophers of history, of whom Thomas Carlyle was the most influential, sought to present the whole history of mankind as a product of the action of a selected few, of heroes. Some psychologists, critical of and hostile to the &dquo;masses,&dquo; thought that the latter would turn to great leaders as their only alternative (Le Bon, 1912). When political science emerged as an independent discipline, it for a time continued this traditional interest by focusing on great men of politics. Soon, however, this traditional interest was overshadowed by new lines of inquiry into the function of institutions, the behaviour of anonymous people, and the social forces that shape such behaviour. These new academic interests contributed greatly to the expansion of our understanding of politics, which thus became more scientific. The price, however, was paid in a diminution of interest in those selected few without

Vision and Practice: The Leader, the State, and the Transformation of Society:

Abstract: Visionary leaders have sought to use the modern state as the organization through which they could transform society. However, world historical forces largely beyond the control of such leaders have greatly affected their success in using the state to bring about intended social transformations, which constitute the core of their visions. Three such forces have affected the international and domestic environment leaders face, and have influenced their risk calculations as they decide whether to confront organizations in society resisting the leader's desired changes. Three hypotheses concerning these forces of social dislocation, the threat of war, and the opposition to change by leading world powers help explain the necessary conditions for a visionary leader's success. The cases of Lazaro Cirdenas of Mexico, Gamal Abdul Nasser of Egypt, and David Ben-Gurion of Israel illustrate the important influence that world historical forces have had on the success of leaders in realizing their visions What makes a visionary leader visionary? A major part of the answer to that question lies in the leader's ability to have his followers or potential followers picture a world radically different from their own. And he must convince them that their present world somehow can be transformed into the one in their mind's eye. That transformation may focus principally on the religious, social, or political realms of their lives. Each realm suggests a major reformulation of the strategies that people adopt to get through the vagaries and uncertainties they face daily. Consciously or unconsciously, all people build strategies of survival. These relate people's goals-gaining material sustenance, shelter, physical protection, respect, love, salvation, and the like-to the means of achieving them. In these strategies, people also seek codes for making sense of their daily experiences and look for systems of meaning to give their lives transcendental significance. Their codes and systems of meaning-whether in the form of religious beliefs, secular nationalism, scientific dogma, or any other system-are entwined with the more material and mundane aspects of survival strategies. The drudgery of work, for example, may be linked to some transcendental goal such as glorifying God or building the nation. Visionary leaders, then, aim at nothing less than offering new strategies of survival for masses of people. In some cases, they have sought such change by emphasizing the symbolic side only, new systems of meaning, and then have hoped to attract followers

Bureaucratic Morality: An Introduction

Abstract: The manner in which public officials conduct themselves when relating to the public has always attracted the attention of both students and practitioners of the science of politics. Almost all the major political thinkers from Plato to Weber have given serious thought to the subject (Smith, 1959; Nelson, 1982; French, 1983). Yet, amongst scholars of public administration, bureaucratic morality has become a subject of interest only within the last two decades. What accounts for this comparative lack of attention in earlier years and what explains the more recent interest? These are the issues we attempt to address in this brief introduction.

Politics under the Microscope: Observational Methods in Political Research

Abstract: Behavioral political science has not utilized observational methods and lacks the field research tradition found in other behavioral sciences. This paper explores the potential contribution of observational methods to behavioral studies in political science and illustrates their application with data developed around oral argument in the United States Supreme Court and the first Reagan-Mondale television debate in 1984.

La Morale bureaucratique: perspectives transatlantiques et franco-americaines

Abstract: La morale bureaucratique et la facon dont les divers pays l'envisagent et la controlent permet une comparaison riche d'enseignement entre les Etats-Unis et la France. Bien que les deux nations partagent fondamentalement un cadre de references communes en matiere de definition du comportement ethique requis du fonctionnaire, il existe des differences frappantes dans la maniere dont ils abordent et traitent la question. Ces differences sont dues aux idiosyncrasies propres aux deux cultures: l'Etat, l'interet general et le service public ne sont pas envisages de la meme maniere; des lors, les fonctionnaires dans chaque nation ne sont pas censes se conduire de facon strictement identique.

Moses as a Visionary Realist

Abstract: The biblical figure of Moses is discussed as the "ideal type" of the "visionary realist" defined as a leader who combines the setting of transformational goals with a good sense of reality. Three questions are addressed: (1) Who is the visionary realist? (2) What is the nature of his vision? and (3) What are the strategies of its implementation in transformational processes? The answers to these questions are offered as the building blocks of a prescriptive model of political leadership.

Power System Membership and Patterns of War

Abstract: This study presents national-level findings pertaining to the basic stochastic patterns of war duration and severity, and determines the effects of power system membership on those patterns. The results have theoretical and empirical relevance to general contagion hypotheses of war and specific import to the negative addiction (or war-weariness) thesis. Among the principal findings are indications that irrespective of the characteristics of past or current war behavior, in the long run: (1) a nation that fights a war has more than a one-in-three probability of fighting for over two years and sustaining over 15,000 battle fatalities; (2) major powers are more likely to fight severe wars and less likely to fight moderate wars than are minor powers, whereas they are equally likely to fight small wars; (3) major powers and minor powers have roughly equiprobable chances of fighting wars at short, moderate, and long duration levels. It is concluded that power distinctions among nations have significant effects ...

Yoshida Shigeru and the Japanese Transition to Liberal Democracy

Abstract: Yoshida Shigeru,1 Prime Minister of Japan during the early postwar years, expounded a vision of Japan as a "Commercial State" dedicated to liberal principles in association with the United States. The vision put highest priority on Japan's economic growth, integration into the Western free-market trading system, non-involvement in overseas conflicts, and allegiance to the democratic and peaceful principles of the postwar Constitution. Resisting pressure from more nationalistic conservatives and from the political Left, Yoshida's moderate conservative economism became institutionalized through his efforts to establish a non-punitive peace treaty and bilateral security treaty that would recognize Japan's strategic importance to the West, to construct a political-bureaucratic-business interaction conducive to capitalistic development, and to develop a network for recruiting political successors who could carry forth his vision.

Loyalists and Revolutionaries: Political Elites in Comparative Perspective

Abstract: This paper identifies a series of similarities and differences involving two matched lists of loyalist and revolutionary leaders, building towards two complementary sets of results. The delineation of the similarities highlights a single leadership group that transcends the loyalist-revolutionary distinction and focuses on leadership characteristics in general. The elaboration of the differences yields a small cluster of key variables that effectively separates two leadership types and makes possible probabilistic statements about leaders who are likely to turn to loyalist or revolutionary politics. The paper draws on its main findings to outline an "interactional" theory of political leadership. Over the last decade the research efforts of the present writers have focused upon cross-temporal and cross-national comparisons of a relatively large number of political leaders (see Rejai and Phillips, 1979, 1983, and forthcoming'). Our current work centers on a comparative analysis of two distinct elite populations: (1) a group of loyalist leaders who sought to operate within their respective sociopolitical systems; and (2) a group of revolutionary leaders who sought to overthrow those systems. Do the two groups differ in social-background attributes, politicization patterns, situational encounters, and psychological dynamics-and if so, in what ways? Are there social, psychological, or situational patterns that cut across the two groups-and if so, what are they? First, a note on cases, data, and method.

Alexander Hamilton: The Aristocrat as Visionary

Abstract: Alexander Hamilton described, and attempted to be, an aristocratic yet visionary statesman. Hamilton's statesman would resist and rise above popular prejudices and passions; occupying a commanding eminence, he would plan grand projects for the nation's future. His architectonic vision detailed instruments for efficient action: the energetic executive and the administrative state. Having shaped these powerful tools, he turned them to economic use, fashioning a carefully integrated set of policies that fostered the rise of manufacturing in the United States. While the aristocratic statesman did not expect the public to understand his vision, he did expect it to respond to the prosperity and power that his efforts produced. As the nation rose to greatness, so, ultimately, would his fame. The founders of the American republic, Douglass Adair (1974) observed, were driven by a desire for fame. For most of them, this desire for fame was couched in classical terms. George Washington, graciously spurning the mantle of power, won renown as an American Cincinnatus. John Adams also had a Roman conception of fame; greatness lay in the preservation of the republic and its central values from the forces that threatened to corrupt or destroy it. Alexander Hamilton's desire for fame took a more modern form. For Hamilton, political glory was to be won by constructing a modern state. In his vision, the statesman took upon himself the responsibility of creating the foundations of that state: an energetic executive, an efficient administrative apparatus, an industrial economy, a professional military. Overcoming popular prejudices and narrow suspicions, he made the nation powerful and prosperous; as it rose to greatness, so would his reputation. The Hamiltonian statesman was an aristocratic figure. Scorning an appeal to popular sentiments as demagoguery, he set himself resolutely against the rising tide of democracy. Yet Hamilton's aristocratic leadership was of a uniquely American kind. The order he set out to defend was not steeped in tradition and obsessed with stability; it was a fluid order which needed to be protected from democratic frenzies so that it could be yoked to a dynamic economy. Where traditional aristocratic virtues pitted themselves against the disruptive vices of avarice and ambition, Hamilton's aristocratic leadership, while holding itself superior to these vices, sought to use them as its raw materials. Hamilton's hope was not to produce citizens who would feel a

Leadership Recruitment Patterns in the Japanese House of Representatives: General Elections 1-30, 1890-1963

Abstract: Efforts are made in the article to examine the process of leadership recruitment in the Japanese House of Representatives in the first 74 years of the Japanese Diet, that is since its inception in 1890, through the use of canonical analysis. The central question concerns what it takes to be a leader in the Diet, such as a cabinet member, for example. Major findings include: (1) the recruitment process has become more "structured" over the years; (2) gerontocracy continues to prevail in the Diet; (3) the younger a Diet member enters politics, the better the chance he or she has of being recruited into a leadership position; (4) other important variables in the process include party identification, occupation, and travel overseas; and (5) the pattern of changes in the "structure of opportunities" for leadership in the Diet reflects the nature of the political path Japan has followed during the 74-year period. Thus, political leaders cannot be separated from the "transformation of need" in their society.

Wladyslaw Gomulka and the Dilemma of Polish Communism

Abstract: Wladyslaw Gomulka, a worker, trade unionist and Communist activist during the interwar period, became the foremost figure of the Polish Workers' Party and the left-wing resistance movement during the war, and subsequently the outstanding political figure in the People's Republic of Poland. He was the author of an original conception for the gradual and evolutionary introduction of the socialist system, known as "the Polish road to socialism." In 1948, because of the Cold War and Stalin's policy of "uniformization" of the people's democracies, Gomulka's conception fell, the Party was dominated by a dogmatic line, and Gomulka was accused of a rightist-nationalist deviation and imprisoned. He regained freedom and power with the tide of de-Stalinization in October 1956, and introduced in Poland a number of significant reforms whose consequences proved to be stable: he abandoned collectivization, limited industrialization, improved relations with the Church, pursued a pragmatic cultural policy, and eliminated ...