Showing papers in "Labour History in 1972"

Revolution From Within

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The professional cricketer in england in the nineteenth century

Abstract: The growth of cricket as a major participant and spectator sport in the nineteenth century was due to many factors as yet not fully under stood or explained. It is not the intention of this article to go into the reasons for the growth of cricket as such, but to examine a section of its workforce, the professional cricketer, who was engaged at two major levels in the game. He played in the increasing number of county cricket and international teams that drew the crowds to such grounds as The Oval, Trent Bridge and Lord's, and he taught the arts and crafts of the game to the growing number of preparatory schools, public schools and local clubs who played cricket for both recreative and moral reasons. The professional cricketer's story is an intrinsically interesting one in terms of wages, life style and customs, but it also sheds light upon nineteenth-century attitudes in regard to class, respectability and the changing position of working men during the century. For the pro fessional cricketer was a working man. His origins were 'agricultural labouring', changing to 'craftsman', as England became more indus trialised. His wages were low, but opportunities for advancement were there, to be taken by a few; his life was subject to the hazards affecting all working men: ill-health, accidents, drink, improvidence and destitution for self and family in old age. The boom in cricket, reflected in 'gates', publicity and the beginnings of a 'star' system did, however, give unique opportunities to this particular working man just as pro fessional football, music hall, and in our own day pop music have offered avenues to success in the entertainment industries created by and for an industrial society. The origins of cricket are obscure, but by the eighteenth century it was a flourishing game in the south of England. Aristocrats such as the

The Australian Communist Party and the Comintern in the Early 1930s

Abstract: /. D. Blake joined the Australian Communist Party in 1924 at the age of fifteen. Born in Newcastle, in the north of England, he came to Australia with his family in 1922. After working briefly on a farm and at Hoskins' iron and steelworks he began work in the State Coal Mine at Lithgow. He joined the miners' union and shortly afterwards the Communist Party. In 1926 he became secretary of the Lithgow Com munist group, which also included Charlie Nelson and Bill Orr, who were, in the 'thirties, to become President and Secretary of the Miners' Federation. Blake's course was to be different. Between 1926 and 1930 he worked as a miner and as a local communist activist. In 1930 he was

The Labor Party and Australian Imperialism in the Pacific, 1901-1919

Abstract: 'Imperialism,' said the Victorian Labor Party's Tocsin in January 1901, when condemning British expansionism in South Africa, 'is the creed of kings, queens and millionaires; therefore, workers, it cannot be yours.'1 In the following two decades, however, the Australian Labor Party reacted in a much less dogmatically ideological manner to Aus tralia's own brand of imperialism?expansionism in the Pacific. The first imperialistic policy confronting the party was the pro posal in 1901 that the new Commonwealth of Australia should become the colonial overlord of British New Guinea. There was suspicion in the labour press about the wisdom of supporting this project. The Tocsin feared that it was designed to benefit only 'a few Fatmen', while both the Sydney and the Brisbane Worker spoke of a possible future threat of black New Gui?ean labour sullying the purity of white Australia.2 This threat was also mentioned by Charles McDonald, one of the three Labor members of Parliament who opposed the policy.3 The leader of the Parliamentary Party, John Christian Watson, expounded a prag matically isolationist opposition: