Showing papers in "Political Research Quarterly in 1959"
TL;DR: The use of the nonpartisan ballot has been widely used in state and local government elections in the United States as discussed by the authors, and the number of offices filled by this method is probably equal to more than one-half of the total number of elected positions in America.
Abstract: ATNO TIME since the beginning of the use of nonpartisan elections, Shas there been an attempt to integrate this particular part of the elections process into the total pattern of American politics. Most of the authors of the textbooks in state and local government or political parties make some mention of the use of the nonpartisan ballot, but their comments make it clear that little material is available upon which to make generalizations. The writer of one popular textbook on political parties makes no reference to nonpartisanship at all.2 Yet this type of ballot cannot be dismissed lightly. It is used for 61 per cent of the elections of councilmen in cities of over 5,000 population. In smaller communities the percentage is probably higher and, in addition, various other officials judges, school board members, township and county officials and legislators are sometimes selected through use of the nonpartisan ballot. The total number of offices filled by this method is probably equal to more than one-half of the total number in the United States. Whenever nonpartisan elections are mentioned in textbooks or in reform literature, they are usually glossed over lightly. The textbook writer is hamstrung by a lack of research, or at least of publishing, and can do little more than to note that this type of ballot has probably resulted in the elimination of political party activity in many elections, but that this situation is not universal and that nonpartisan elections do not actually guarantee nonpartisanship. The reform literature almost invariably defends this type of ballot, arguing from strong conviction and weak empirical data that political parties can and should be eliminated from local elections where they have no proper place. Little more information is to be found.
48 citations
TL;DR: The House of Representatives has long had two types of formal leaders: (1) the "elective" leaders, including the Speaker and the majority and minority floor leaders; and (2) the seniority leaders including the chairmen and ranking minority members of the standing committees as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: IN ORDER TO PERFORM its functions a legislative body must have some kind of a system of leadership. The House of Representatives has long had two types of formal leaders: (1) the "elective" leaders, including the Speaker and the majority and minority floor leaders; and (2) the "seniority" leaders, including the chairmen and ranking minority members of the standing committees. During the first twenty years of congressional history the Speakers were mere figureheads. They presided over the House, to be sure, but actual legislative leadership and control were exercised by the Executive with the aid of trusted floor lieutenants, especially during the Jeffersonian regime. Harlow gives a lucid description of the system of executive control of the legislative process as it operated in that early period.
15 citations
TL;DR: The group basis of judicial activity has become more evident over the past few decades as discussed by the authors, and whether this has been due to heavier group pressures or whether there has simply been sharper recognition of what has always been going on, is difficult to determine.' Perhaps the current situation is partially the result of both factors.
Abstract: N RECENT YEARS the group basis of judicial activity has become more evident. Whether this has been due to heavier group pressures or whether there has simply been sharper recognition of what has always been going on, is difficult to determine.' Perhaps the current situation is partially the result of both factors. Certainly the dispute over national economic policy during the depression years, when the foes of the New Deal took their lost political cause to the judges, focused attention on judicial pressure groups. Organized labor profited by this example; and in the decade after 1937, when the liberalism of the Roosevelt coalition was in legislative eclipse, unions found their staunchest support in the marble palace across the street from the capitol building. As a concomitant of this economic battle public awareness of the immense policy potential of new judicial appointments increased, although aside from the famous Court packing plan of 1937 it is problematical whether partisan activity grew in the same proportion. There are a number of court weapons ready at hand for interest groups. The most obvious is to persuade an individual or a company to violate a law and force the government to bring a test prosecution. The amicus curiae brief2 is more oblique as well as less risky, though it normally depends on somebody else's starting the legal action. Where a plaintiff can be found a "class action" 3 for a declaratory judgment and/or an injunction can be begun, that is, a suit initiated by one person or a small group of persons on behalf of a large number of people "similarly situated."
14 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the available evidence on the status of the American elective public official and to advance a theory for an adequate explanation of the data, which will, I believe, seriously counter or at least qualify that assumption.
Abstract: HE LITERATURE of American political science indicates an almost total lack of interest in the social status of the elective public official. Sociologists interested in social stratification and status have, urifortunately, also ignored the politician. But the sociologists may be excused for assuming the politician to be the unique concern of the political scientist. Whether we are sociologists or political scientists we have a common interest in exploring a sociological fact, the "social status" of a political figure, the politician. I propose to consider the available evidence on the status of the American elective public official and to advance a theory for an adequate explanation of the data. The views of social scientists, generally, on this problem seem to indicate a rather widespread assumption on their part that the politician enjoys but little prestige.' The evidence will, I believe, seriously counter or at least qualify that assumption. The data on which this claim rests is, admittedly, meager, but it is better founded than are the impressions we have relied on for so long. Perhaps the propositions and interpretations that follow will serve to encourage others to perform some of the needed research on the status systems which affect our political life.
13 citations
TL;DR: The Rochdale Society of Equitable Pioneers as discussed by the authors was founded in England in 1844, with twenty-eight members, operated upon principles that since then have been basic to co-operative associations in forty-six of the United States of America and thirtynine countries of the world, serving approximately fifty million co-operators in nearly sixty thousand societies a significant factor in this global Machine Age.
Abstract: ATRONS OF THE AMERICAN free enterprise system who are alert to international projects for world collectivism may perceive certain defenses from such projects in the Rochdale principles which, since World War II, have abided pragmatic tests especially in the Western states. Moreover, during the past century, other Rochdale triumphs have been extended world-wide despite international encumbrances. For the Rochdale Society of Equitable Pioneers as founded in England in 1844, with twenty-eight members, operated upon principles that since then have been basic to co-operative associations in forty-six of the United States of America and thirty-nine countries of the world, serving approximately fifty million co-operators in nearly sixty thousand societies a significant factor in this global Machine Age. In England in the 1950's, the co-operative movement embraced more than ten million members and its annual retail trade exceeded ?500,000,000.1 In the United States during the same years there were approximately six million co-operative association members participating in about $6,000,000,000 worth of annual business through nearly twenty thousand local co-operative associations the memberships in America having increased eight times in fifteen years, the organizations four times, and the business volume eleven times. Accordingly, about 2 per cent of the annual American retailing was through co-operatives. In some communities from 30 to 50 per cent of the retailing was co-operative. This expansion from the original Rochdale model comprised four specific kinds of co-operatives: production, marketing, purchasing, and financing in which labor power, products, purchasing power, and funds respectively were pooled. Likewise, it comprised wholesale as well as retail operations, and various forms of organization: "centralized," with its collective bargaining features; "federated"; and the "co-operative terminal sales agency." These naturally involved a great variety of subject-matter services: housing, health, and insurance, as well as a wide multiplicity of commodity supplies. The essential Rochdale principle of co-operative association economy is that the association shall be operated purely for service and not at all for direct profit as such. Indirectly, the patron may enjoy a quasi-profit in that he may accumulate more savings than he would accumulate in a profit-
11 citations
9 citations
TL;DR: The Paasikivi line is based on the assumption that the Soviet Union's interest in Finland is pre-eminently a security interest and that occupation and satellization are not necessary to ensure achievement of this objective as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: OLLOWING WORLD WAR II, Finland's foreign policy toward the Soviet Union has consistently followed the so-called Paasikivi Line. This policy deserves investigation for its approach to the Soviet and for its possible contribution to East-West relations generally, since the Kremlin leaders have apparently accepted it as a satisfactory arrangement for coexistence with an independent, non-Communist nation with which Russia shares some seven hundred miles of border. It is the purpose of this article to explore the concepts and measures underlying the Finnish policy and to evaluate their significance. The Paasikivi Line is compounded from the views and diplomatic practices of its conservatively-oriented author, the late Juho K. Paasikivi Prime Minister, 1944-46, and President, 1946-56 and his successor, the Agrarian party leader Urho Kekkonen Prime Minister on five occasions between 1950 and 1956 and President since 1956.1 Paasikivi's beliefs in rapprochement with Russia had been consistently held for nearly a halfcentury before he became responsible for Finland's policies after the armistice of 1944. Kekkonen's conversion from anti-Russian views occurred during the Continuation War, 1941-44, although he had advocated moderation in policy as early as 1937.2 The Paasikivi Line is based on the assumption that the Soviet Union's interest in Finland is pre-eminently a security interest and that occupation and satellization are not necessary to ensure achievement of this objective. It holds that if Finland initiates friendly and co-operative measures to convince her neighbor that hostile actions by her, or even through her territory, will henceforth be prevented, the Soviet will in turn co-operate to the extent of accepting Finland's independence and its freedom of choice in other respects, including the conduct of its own internal affairs and those aspects of its external relations which do not affect the Soviet Union's strategic interests. This case is based partially on historical evidence of
9 citations
TL;DR: In the case of the crisis over Quemoy and Matsu in 1958, the United States was dragged to the brink of war by the Generalissimo, who shrewdly exploited the circumstances created by the Chinese Communists to further his own purposes.
Abstract: ROM THE LONG PERSPECTIVE of history, the crisis over Quemoy and Matsu in 1958 is fascinating not so much for the &dquo;brinkmanship&dquo; practiced by the parties concerned as for the many paradoxes in the relations between the United States and Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek. The United States was supposed to have &dquo;releashed&dquo; Generalissimo Chiang by the exchange of letters dated December 10, 1954, between Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and Foreign Minister George K. C. Yeh of the Republic of China. Yet she found herself dragged to the brink of war by the Generalissimo, who shrewdly exploited the circumstances created by the Chinese Communists to further his own purposes. The Dulles-Yeh exchange of letters provided that &dquo;military elements which are a product of joint effort and contribution will not be removed from the treaty area [i.e., Taiwan and the Pescadores] to a degree which would substantially diminish its defensibility unless by mutual agreement Yet Chiang succeeded in increasing his forces on Quemoy from 30,000 in September, 1954,
8 citations
TL;DR: The Congressional Record as discussed by the authors is a collection of the debates of the House and Senate and summarizes activities of Congressional committees; it is replete with editorial opinion gleaned from the great and the not-so great newspapers of America; and it is dotted with such sundry items as poetry, both professional and homespun, high school essays on "what democracy means to me," the results of a particular congressman's public opinion poll, lettersto-the-editor and other miscellany, ad infinitum.
Abstract: U NLIKE ITS STAID British cousin the Parliamentary Debates (Hansard), the Congressional Record is at times a lively, and is always a many-faceted publication.' It records the debates of the House and Senate; it summarizes activities of Congressional committees; it is replete with editorial opinion gleaned from the great and the not-so-great newspapers of America; and it is dotted with such sundry items as poetry, both professional and homespun, high school essays on "what democracy means to me," the results of a particular congressman's public opinion poll, lettersto-the-editor and other miscellany, ad infinitum. The Congressional Record serves also as a local tabloid of events on Capitol Hill, recording, for example, the menu and agenda for the serving of the Second Senate Salad, an epicurian concoction combining the finest in back home specialties, to be offered in "the world's largest salad bowl ... 3 feet wide and 14 inches deep. Heaped, it will serve 320 main course salads. Hand-turned, it is made of
7 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, it was shown that both consent and tacit consent are fictitious, and that there is a difference between governments by the consent of their governed and those without such consent; it is the presence and absence of "hypothetical consent" or "legitimacy" which gives rise to this difference.
Abstract: NE OF THE MOST POPULAR phrases in the literature of political theory is "government by the consent of the governed." In spite of Hume's cogent arguments, theorists have continued to use the notion of consent both in the traditional Lockean sense and in senses which Locke apparently did not contemplate. It appears useful, therefore, once again to examine the statement that government, and especially democratic government, possesses the consent of its governed. In the present essay, I shall argue that the notion of consent is a fiction. It may well have been the recognition of the fictional nature of consent which prompted political theorists to make the famous distinction between consent and "tacit" consent.1 If this distinction was an attempt to save the general theory of consent, it was unsuccessful, because the arguments to be presented here against consent apply as well to tacit consent. It will thus be shown that the latter is also a fiction. Although consent does not occur, there is without question a characteristic which some governments possess and which others lack, and which is, it seems to me, what modern political theorists have been trying to explain by their often rather involved theories of tacit consent. This characteristic is possessed by democratic government but not, as has often been thought, by democratic government alone. For lack of a better term, it can be called "hypothetical consent" or "legitimacy." There are thus four points to be established: both consent and tacit consent are fictitious; there is, however, a difference between governments "by the consent of their governed" and those without such "consent"; it is the presence and absence of "hypothetical consent" or "legitimacy" which gives rise to this difference; and democratic government is among those governments which possess such "legitimacy."
7 citations
TL;DR: In his presidential address to the American Political Science Association last September, Professor V. O. Key called attention to these evidences of healthy growth in the field of political science as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: During the last generation, significant changes have occurred in political science. A transition, for the most part gradual and subtle, has shifted orientation toward a growing rigor in theory construction and systematic analysis. This observation scarcely needs annotation. A bit of reflection recalls the questions that, a generation ago, commanded professional attention, both in teaching and in research. Recollection is confirmed, if need be, in material published in the professional journals of that day, and topics discussed at professional meetings. The comparison with today’s primary concerns is an enlightening one. In his presidential address to the American Political Science Association last September, Professor V. O. Key called attention to these evidences of healthy growth in the field. 1
TL;DR: Brown as mentioned in this paper proposed the first California direct primary act, which allowed a candidate to seek the nomination of more than one political party in the primary election, and was the first step towards a direct primary election in California.
Abstract: MAY 5, 1959, Governor Edmund G. Brown of California signed into law a measure abolishing the state's controversial system of cross-filing, a unique provision in the primary election code which permitted a candidate to seek the nomination of more than one political party. The repeal of cross-filing marked the close of a forty-six year era in California politics during which dual nominations were common and party responsibility reached a low ebb. Yet, it is important to note that cross-filing was originally adopted as a temporary reform measure, and it was not intended to be a final solution to the problem of selecting candidates in primary elections. It became law during the Progressive era, a period of insurgency in state and national politics, and is best understood by examining the evolution of the various primary laws which appeared between 1909 and 1919. The first decade of the twentieth century witnessed a number of events which were to ignite the Progressive movement and drastically alter the future of partisan politics in California. Nationally, the Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt provided the inspiration and the leadership for reform. Locally, the revelations of bribery and corruption under Mayor Eugene Schmitz and boss Abraham Ruef in San Francisco, and the continuing domination of state politics by the Southern Pacific Railroad dramatized the need for reform in California. The founding of the Lincoln Roosevelt League in 1907 inaugurated the reform movement, and the new organization pledged itself to "the emancipation of the Republican party in California from domination by... the Southern Pacific Railroad Company and allied interests." Meanwhile, under pressure, the state bosses permitted the legislature to propose a constitutional amendment providing for a direct primary, and the change was overwhelmingly approved by the voters in the general election of 1908. For many reformers, the passage of this amendment became the opening wedge in their battle for control of the Republican party in California. The 1909 legislature passed the first California direct primary act. Most of the reformers, however, were critical of the partisan requirements of the new law, for, as Franklin Hichborn, the foremost political reporter of the period observed: "Throughout the measure made it smooth sailing for the mere partisan and extremely hard for the independent Republican or independent Democrat to secure party nomination." x In order to be a candi-
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors confine themselves to political parties as they operate as majorit ties and minorities within the framework of political regimes typical of Western Europe, where the majority power is the popular sovereign and the minority powers par excellence, those which act through the constituted organs of the state, parliament and executive.
Abstract: PROPOSE to confine myself to political parties as they operate as majorit ties and minorities within the framework of political regimes typical of Western Europe. Democratic regimes know only one permanent majority-minority relation: the one between the majority power, which is the popular sovereign, and the minority powers par excellence, that is to say, those which act through the constituted organs of the state, parliament and executive. Contrasted with the popular sovereign, the groups that operate the executive branch and those that dominate parliament are themselves in
TL;DR: In the day following the 1956 primary election in California, leaders of both parties predicted an end to the cross-filing law which had applied in one form or another to primary elections since 1914 as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: ON THE DAY following the 1956 primary election in California, leaders of both parties predicted an end to the cross-filing law which had applied in one form or another to primary elections since 1914.1 The 1952 amendment to the cross-filing law had resulted in dramatic changes in electoral results in 1954 and 1956 changes which were sufficient to modify and subvert the original purposes and subsequent operation of the 1913 law.2 Whether or not cross-filing is abolished in the near future, the data now available make possible a long-range analysis of a much neglected area of voting behavior study the influence of the structure and operation of the electoral system upon voting results.
TL;DR: In the United States, where both major parties have been embarrassed by revelations touching the executive branch, some attention has been given to the bearing of the problem on the legislative branch as well But Mr. J. D. Stewart's study of British pressure has acquired an historical significance easily appreciated today as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: HE PRIOR EXPERIENCE of England in defining and then in seeking a solution to the problem of conflict between the private interests JL of public servants and the public interest itself has acquired an historical significance easily appreciated today. In the United States, where both major parties have been embarrassed by revelations touching the executive branch, some attention has been given to the bearing of the problem on the legislative branch as well But Mr. J. D. Stewart’s study of British pressure
TL;DR: The Congress of Europe, as it was called, was one of the first and certainly the most dramatic manifestation of those popular postwar efforts to provide a crippled and dispirited Western Europe with an effective formula for integration; it represented a vocal and persuasive protest against the almost universal trend toward more intensive political fragmentation as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: XACTLY A DECADE AGO in historic Knight's Hall of the Netherlands Parliament Buildings, some eight hundred delegates gathered on Friday, May 8, 1948, in a conference which has been variously described by competent observers and participants as original 1 and unique,2 timid 3 and chaotic4 but that, at all events, can be depicted by that innocuous descriptive, "remarkable." 5 Indeed, the present Prime Minister of England, Harold Macmillan, who was present at The Hague tesified that this Congress might well be "a landmark to future historians. It is more important, perhaps, than any other event in the second half of this century." 6 This Congress of Europe, as it was called, was one of the first and certainly the most dramatic manifestation of those popular postwar efforts to provide a crippled and dispirited Western Europe with an effective formula for integration; it represented a vocal and persuasive protest against the almost universal trend toward more intensive political fragmentation
TL;DR: The role of the Rules Committee in selecting bills and resolutions for consideration by the House is described in this article, where the majority leader and the Speaker consult with the minority leader, important committee chairmen, and the Committee on Rules.
Abstract: NE OF THE REQUIREMENTS of a legislature is an internal system of authority which establishes procedures for analyzing problems, raising issues, deliberating, and finally making decisions.1 In the United States House of Representatives a variety of parliamentary forms are available for arranging the legislative program. These include the five calendars, special legislative days, unanimous consent agreements, motions to suspend the Rules, and special orders or special rules. These formal procedures are employed chiefly by the majority leader and the Speaker after consultation with the minority leader, important committee chairmen, and the Committee on Rules. This article describes the role of the Rules Committee in selecting bills and resolutions for consideration by the House. Approximately nine-tenths of the business of the House is relatively noncontroversial and this portion of the work is considered by expeditious procedures, such as the Consent or Private calendars, or on special legislative days, including District of Columbia Day. The other one-tenth of the House's program numbering approximately one hundred bills and resolutions each session is controversial enough to be debated for three or more pages each in the Congressional Record (approximately 30 minutes). Among these are the "big issues" which Congress must resolve, the conflicts which gain public attention, and usually receive the greatest space or time in the mass communication media. More than half of these controversial items will be handled under special resolutions from the Committee on Rules. Thus, the Rules Committee participates in scheduling some of the most vital matters before the House.
TL;DR: Hippodamus, the son of Euryphon, a native of Miletus, [the same who invented the art of planning cities, and who also laid out the Piraeus] was a strange man, whose fondness for distinction led him into a general eccentricity of life, which made some think him affected (for he would wear flowing hair and expensive ornaments; but these were worn on a cheap but warm garment both in winter and summer) as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Hippodamus, the son of Euryphon, a native of Miletus, [the same who invented the art of planning cities, and who also laid out the Piraeus --a strange man, whose fondness for distinction led him into a general eccentricity of life, which made some think him affected (for he would wear flowing hair and expensive ornaments; but these were worn on a cheap but warm garment both in winter and summer); he, besides aspiring to be an adept in the knowledge of nature,] was the first person not a statesman who made inquiries about the best form of government.3
TL;DR: In this article, the problem facing the governments of India, Pakistan, Burma, and Ceylon is enlarged from the essentially technical question of maximizing economic growth to the political issue of engineering the consent of the primarily agricultural masses starved for consumers goods first to increase their propensity to save and then to be prepared to sacrifice their savings for a vast program of industrialization.
Abstract: N THE WAKE of World War II four British colonies emerged as independent states in Southeast Asia India, Pakistan, Burma, and CeyIon Although there are variations in their national policies, they are all determined to pull up their countries by their economic boot straps and thus to secure for the population a standard of living comparable to that of the industrial giants Moreover, they are all comitted to do this within the democratic and parliamentary framework of government The magnitude of the task of industrialization facing these new states has been recounted before Suffice to mention here that even if we project an unusually high rate of economic development and an abnormally low population increase in these areas, it would still take two decades before the average income in these countries could be brought to the modest level of Mexico1 Economic development within a democratic framework, however, adds an entirely new dimension to the practical difficulties It raises the problem of a voluntary mobilization of savings for capital formation A non-totalitarian system cannot resort to forced savings as a method to mobilize the financial resources of the political community At least an implicit consent of the population for the public utilization of private incomes is necessary The problem facing the governments of India, Pakistan, Burma, and Ceylon, therefore, is enlarged from the essentially technical question of maximizing economic growth to the political issue of engineering the consent of the primarily agricultural masses starved for consumers goods first to increase their propensity to save and then to be prepared to sacrifice their savings for a vast program of industrialization2
TL;DR: In this article, the authors set forth some of the assumptions underlying European political unification, examined some problems involved, and suggested conclusions relative to the practical attainability of political unification in Europe.
Abstract: HE RECENT RATIFICATIONS of the Rome treaties of March, 1957, creating the European Economic Community and the European Atomic Community focus attention on the possibilities for achieving European political unification. Indeed, the entry into force on January 1, 1958, of the "common market" and "Euratom," as they are more popularly known, has been hailed in some quarters as an important step toward political unity in Western Europe. It is the purpose of this paper to set forth some of the assumptions underlying this concept, to examine some of the problems involved, and to suggest conclusions relative to the practical attainability of European political unification. While scholars and statesmen have for centuries espoused some form of European political unification, until recently there has never existed widespread enthusiasm on the part of European intellectuals and political leaders for the idea. This enthusiasm is reflected in the establishment since World War II of an increasing number of European regional organizations designed to break down the traditional rivalries of the past. The movement for economic, military, and political unification has been spearheaded by such leaders as Winston Churchill, Paul Henri Spaak, and Konrad Adenauer. It was Churchill who provided the impetus for European political unity in 1946 in a speech in Zurich in which he advocated the formation of a United States of Europe. To understand the movement since 1946 one must inquire into the reasons which prompted Churchill and other leaders to propose a solution which had received only casual attention in the past. The deterioration of the Western European economic and political position as a result of World War II must be listed as an important consideration in their thinking. The postwar world which emerged revealed a balance of power controlled by two superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, with the consequent shift of the center of the balance away from Europe. Among informed leaders and statesmen there was the realization that Europe could not regain its former glory unless concrete steps were taken to effect an economic and political unification strong enough to supersede the narrow economic and political nationalisms which had produced two horrible world wars, depression, and the evils of totalitarianism. Simultaneously with the degeneration of the international political supremacy of Western Europe, there occurred a serious threat to free institutions with the movement of Soviet might into Eastern Europe. This posed
TL;DR: The failure of the policy committees to bring unity and discipline to the parties in the Senate is well established as discussed by the authors, and the conclusion is inescapable that policy committees are misnamed.
Abstract: FTER TWELVE YEARS of existence, the failure of the policy committees to bring unity and discipline to the parties in the Senate .JL is well established. Professor Hugh A. Bone has said: &dquo;At the outset, the conclusion is inescapable that the policy committees are misnamed. They have never been ’policy’ bodies, in the sense of considering and investigating alternatives of public policy, and they have never put forth
TL;DR: The assistance of the Political Behavior Committee of the Social Science Research Council via a grant under the Comparative State Politics program is gratefully acknowledged in this article, which was read at the American Political Science Association Convention, September, 1957.
Abstract: * The assistance of the Political Behavior Committee of the Social Science Research Council via a grant under the Comparative State Politics program is gratefully acknowledged ; an earlier version of this paper was read at the American Political Science Association Convention, September, 1957. Appreciation is also expressed to two graduate students, Daniel Wilson and Michael Munk. INTRODUCTION
TL;DR: The Citizens Legislative Advisory Commission (CLAC) as mentioned in this paper was created by the California state legislature to advise the Joint Committee on Legislative Procedure of the state legislature in its deliberations, with the goal of finding some method of determining the nature and extent of the legislator's duties and responsibilities and recommending rates of compensation and allowances.
Abstract: DURING THE 1958 budget session of the California state legislature, an amendment to the state constitution was approved for submission to the voters the following November. This amendment provides that the legislature may raise the salary of its members to a level no higher than the average salary paid to members of the boards of supervisors of the five largest counties in the state. This action transcends in importance the immediate issue of whether one hundred and twenty law-makers should receive an increase in salary. The amount of money involved is a minute portion of the California budget. At present legislative salaries amount to only .036 per cent, or about 1/25 of 1 per cent of the entire state budget.' The increases would amount to only 1/30 to 1/50 of 1 per cent of the budget. Nor is it simply a moral question of whether legislators should be permitted to vote themselves a pay raise. When the problem arises, as it has on several occasions, it has to be faced on its merits. The real importance of this amendment lies in the problem which it dramatizes and the procedure which has been followed to solve it. The problem is one which arises out of the phenomenal growth and changing patterns of economic and social life in the state of California. This development places far greater demands on the legislator and requires constantly higher levels of competence and performance. It is a problem which is not unique to California and yet little effort has been made to study it objectively. In the interests of thorough and objective research to provide a basis for dealing with this problem, the California legislature sought the assistance of a citizens group. In September of 1957 the legislature created the Citizens Legislative Advisory Commission to advise the Joint Committee on Legislative Procedure of the legislature in its deliberations. The Commission undertook as a part of its work the task of seeking some method of determining the nature and extent of the legislator's duties and responsibilities and of recommending rates of compensation and allowances. In the performance of this task the Commission used the services of The Mangore Corporation, a consulting firm made up of faculty members from the School of Public Administration at the University of
TL;DR: In the presidential election of 1912, Woodrow Wilson made his theme the New Freedom, but what he meant was not so much a new kind of freedom as the restoration of the old, the old individual freedom lost in the new social age.
Abstract: N THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN of 1912, Woodrow Wilson made his theme the New Freedom, but what he meant was not so much a new kind of freedom as the restoration of the old, the old individual freedom lost in the new social age. In -this age, he said, "the every-day relationships of men are largely with great impersonal concerns, with organization, not with other individual men." There was, as he put it, "a new era of human relationships, a new stage-setting for -the drama of life." 1 Wilson believed deeply in the old freedom, and he was prepared to enter that stagesetting personally to restore it; but he could hardly have foreseen the drama which was soon to develop, with himself as its tragic hero. In the spring of 1910, Graham Wallas, of the London School of Economics and Political Science, lectured at Harvard. His discussion-course, Government 31, analyzed the nature of modem society, a society transformed, as he said, by "inventions which have abolished the old limits to the creation of mechanical force, the carriage of men and goods, and communication by written and spoken words." 2 The Great Society, he called it. Among his students was Walter Lippmann, who had graduated the spring before but who had stayed on in Cambridge as assistant to George Santayana. Lippmann and Wallas made a lasting impression upon each other. The Great Society permanently entered Lippmann's thinking, and four years later when the materials of the course appeared in book form Wallas dedicated the American edition to his young disciple. That spring of 1910 was perhaps still within "the dawn of the great new age of mankind," but H. G. Wells's fellow-Fabian must have seemed to present man in a much dimmer social light. No doubt Lippmann had heard the author of The Life of Reason describe the intellectual temper of the age, perhaps in the very phrases which were shortly to go into Winds of Doctrine. The young student who was soon to describe modem man as unsettled in his world, "blown hither and thither like litter before the wind," 3 must have listened to Professor Santayana talk of "more motion than life and more haste than force," of men "driven to distraction by the ticking of
TL;DR: In the Netherlands, the structure and powers of all municipal governments in the Netherlands are identical, with the exception that the size of the council varies with the population as mentioned in this paper, and the total area of the country is encompassed within these 994 municipalities, most of them consisting of both urban and rural territory.
Abstract: HE DESIRABLE DEGREE of municipal home rule has been a perennial point of controversy, by no means confined to the United States. As a variety of factors have pushed in the direction of greater centralization, these differences of opinion have understandably sharpened. Experience in the Netherlands, with its well-established democratic tradition, provides an interesting example of an attempt to combine institutions of local self-government with an attitude of strong commitment to nationwide equality of governmental services and of basic national responsibility therefor. The structure and powers of all municipal governments in the Netherlands, from the smallest rural community to the largest city, are identical, with the exception that the size of the council varies with the population. Moreover, the total area of the country is encompassed within these 994 municipalities, most of them thus consisting of both urban and rural territory. Situated between these units and the national government are the eleven provinces, which today perform very few direct services to the public but retain considerable power of supervision over the municipalities. From a legal standpoint the national government is supreme, and no action of a province or municipality may conflict with the constitution or an act of parliament. Likewise, within this limitation a province may preempt all or part of a field. Obviously, therefore, municipalities appear to be left with merely those functions which neither the national government nor the provinces have undertaken, plus a number delegated in whole or in part from the higher levels. In practice, however, there are a number of functions rather traditionally considered municipal responsibilities, even though local officials commonly complain that the scope of these is steadily dwindling. Contrary to United States legal theory, Dutch municipalities are presumed to be able to undertake any function that has not been specifically prohibited to them nor monopolized by the higher levels. It must be remembered that the Netherlands is a small country, its nearly eleven million people crowded into an area approximately equal to that of the state of Maryland. In such circumstances the national government need never seem particularly remote, and all levels and units are rather closely interrelated. Provincial and municipal elections, as well as national, are partisan and the same parties are active at all levels. An additional unifying factor is found in the practice of dual office-holding, it being quite common for an individual to serve simultaneously as a city councilman
TL;DR: The 1958 Australian federal election as mentioned in this paper resulted in the return of the Liberal party-Country party conservative coalition government led by Robert G. Menzies with an increase of two seats in the House of Representatives and two more in the Senate.
Abstract: HE AUSTRALIAN federal elections took place on November 22, 1958. They resulted in the return of the Liberal party-Country party conservative coalition government led by Robert G. Menzies with an increase of two seats in the House of Representatives and two seats in the Senate.1 Numbers in the new Parliament compared with the old are shown in Table I. The percentages of popular votes cast for each party are shown in Table II.