Showing papers in "Probus in 2002"

Realizations of accentual phrase in French intonation

Abstract: In this paper we provide a detailed account of the various realizations of the accentual phrase in our phonological model of French intonation (Jun & Fougeron 1995, 2000), and introduce a slight revision in tone-syllable association. In addition to the default and unmarked phrases, we examine the intonational contour of long polymorphemic words and utterances containing a sequence of several clitics. We discuss the status of additional H tones found in the marked phrases and the constraints on the distribution of these H tones.

Intonation across Spanish, in the Tones and Break Indices framework

Abstract: This paperdescribes some ofthe moresalientintonationalphenomenaof Spanish, and reviews several of the most pressing questions that remain to be addressed before a deÞnitive model of the system can be incorporated into a consensus transcription system for the language. The phenomena reviewed include the metrical underpinnings of the tune, and some of the local tone shapes that are anchored at stressed syllables or at phrase edges in several common intonation contours. The description of known facts is couched in the Autosegmental-Metrical model of intonational phonology, as is the review of outstanding questions. The description is used to motivate the preliminary transcription conventions proposed by the Spanish ToBI development group.

Italian intonation: An overview and some questions

Abstract: This paper presents a selective state of the art for the intonation of Standard and regional varieties of Italian, drawing especially from Neapolitan Italian data. Production and perception experimental data for this variety are employed to show some interesting interactions between focus, accent placement and accent type. The issues are presented within the autosegmental-metrical approach to intonational phonology. Points for future research are suggested.

The semantics of generic quantification in brazilian portuguese

Abstract: This paper investigates the semantics of kind-referring expressions and of generic quantification in Brazilian Portuguese (BP). It may thus be taken as a contribution to the development of a more accurate understanding of genericity as a crosslinguistic phenomenon. In BP genericity may be expressed by both definite singular (1) and definite plural (2) nominals, and also by indefinite nominals such as the indefinite generic (3), the bare numberless (4) and the bare plural (5). The main goal of the paper is to address the differences in the interpretations of these five types of generic expressions in BP in light of the distinction between generically quantified sentences and kind-referring expressions (cf. Krifka et al.1995).

The phonology and morphology of Romanian diphthongization

Abstract: HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés. The phonology and morphology of Romanian diphthongization Ioana Chitoran

Tune-text association patterns in Catalan: An argument for a hierarchical structure of tunes

Abstract: This article describes a variety of intonation patterns in Central Catalan and examines the process of tonal realization of these tunes over short sequences, namely, monosyllabic phrases and utterances containing just one stressed syllable. When faced with multiple association, Catalan displays at least three different procedures to adapt intonational contours: when the tune is composed of one pitch accent plus a boundary tone sequence, the general strategy used by this language is compression; by contrast, when the tune is made out of two pitch accents plus an edge tone sequence the solution is either to delete (or fail to associate) the Þrst pitch accent (a process which could be understood as tune truncation) or the second one. The contrast between compression and deletion strategies falls out directly from an autosegmental view of intonational contours: since a given metrically strong position cannot bear more than one pitch accent, compression is thus ruled out when melodic tunes contain a minimum of two pitch accents. The contrast between the failure to link the Þrst or the second pitch accent, though, cannot be easily predicted if we follow standard autosegmental assumptions: since this framework assumes that