Showing papers in "Romanian Journal of European Affairs in 2015"

Crimea and the Russian-Ukrainian Conflict

Abstract: The recent Russian-Ukrainian dispute over Crimea attracted wide international attention. The purpose of this paper is to explain its historic, demographic, legal, political and military strategic background, its similarities with and differences from other "frozen" conflicts on the periphery of the former Soviet Union, the roles of three main parties directly involved in the Crimean conflict, its linkage with secessionist attempts in Eastern and Southern Ukraine, wider international ramifications of the conflict and the ensuing deterioration of the West's relations with the Russian Federation.Keywords: Crimea, NATO, Russia, Ukraine, conflict, separatists, Moscow, Sevastopol, international relationsFor the last four decades security on our continent has been burdened by armed violence and wars and has accompanied the disintegration of a number of states in the Eastern Mediterranean, the Western Balkans and the former Soviet Union. These developments resulted in the emergence on the political map of Europe of more than a dozen new and internationally recognized states. The most successful secessions of these new states occurred in parallel with the development of a group of failed states unrecognised or less than universally recognized by the international community, like Northern Cyprus, Transnistria, Abkhazia, Southern Ossetia, Nagorno Karabakh and later on Kosovo, that came to be treated in international relations literature as so-called "frozen" conflicts. With Kosovo moving out of this group, a newcomer appeared in the spring of 2014: the Russian-Ukrainian conflict over Crimea.Like the other four "frozen" conflicts mentioned above, Crimea is geographically located on the Southern periphery of the former Soviet Union. Substantively, the newest conflict bears a number of similarities with the four other ex-Soviet cases. The ex-Soviet entities involved in these conflicts share a history up to two centuries-long of Russian imperialism and, subsequently, of Soviet communist rule. The Russian rule of these entities was preceded by up to three centuries of direct Ottoman rule or of strong dependency on the Sublime Porte. In the 18th and 19th centuries, following Russian victories in several wars against the Ottomans the five lands were militarily conquered by or ceded to and then annexed by the Russian Empire. Russian expansion in the Black Sea region and in the Caucasus had been opposed by the Western powers - Great Britain, France and Austria/ Austria-Hungary. This opposition began in the mid-19 century and resulted in a direct military confrontation, fought mostly on Crimea.The immediate pretext for the Crimean War was the Russian occupation of two Danubian principalities Wallachia and Moldavia. In January 1854 the British and French fleets demonstratively sailed into the Black Sea. Following a Russian rejection of the British ultimatum to withdraw Russian troops from the principalities (territory that is today's Romania and Moldova), Great Britain and France declared war on Russia. In September 1854 almost one million Ottoman, French and British troops landed on Crimea and started a yearlong siege of the Russian stronghold Sevastopol. In January 1855 the Kingdom of Sardinia joined the coalition. The anti-Russian coalition suffered staggering losses of over 300 thousand soldiers, due mostly to disease. The Western powers and the Ottomans won the war against the Russian Army (which lost about 400 thousand soldiers) and achieved the destruction of the Russian Black Sea Fleet and of the fortress Sevastopol, as well as the military neutralization of the Black Sea. They failed, however, to dislodge Russia from Crimea. Austria's threat to join the coalition forced however the Russian government to withdraw its troops from the Danubian principalities. All of this happened in a geostrategic environment very different from the present one. Almost 160 years later no one in the West even thought of undertaking a similar operation against the Russian Federation. …

Diversity in Unity. The European Union and Member States Emergency Aid to the Countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) Region

Abstract: This paper draws the attention of the EU foreign policy professionals and researchers community towards the aid policy of the European Union and the major Member States towards the countries affected by humanitarian emergencies and disasters. The determinants and vertical coherence of this policy are put under observation. In particular, by measuring and comparing financial aid to the countries of the Middle East and North Africa, the MENA region, the present study assesses the importance of the aid policy vertical coherence. The analysis of the data supports the mainstream view about the common values and goals of the foreign aid policies of the Union and the Member States but warns about coherence between the Union and the state level as the European countries' aid allocation to the MENA countries is apparently driven by different priorities.Keywords: EU humanitarian policy, MENA region, Emergency policy, Vertical coherenceState policy-makers and international organizations officers are very much concerned today with building efficient policies of response to the large-scale emergencies that are caused by disastrous events. Such emergencies are hardly faced with routine procedures and normal courses of action. Exceptional, apposite actions are to be launched fast to cope with the emergency conditions and come back to the normal conditions. The later the appropriate response is given to an emergency problem, the longer the consequences will last. Since disaster-triggered emergencies result in serious instabilities within the event-afflicted country and drop their effect into near and distant areas, international organizations, nongovernmental groups and the governments of many states, especially those of the advanced ones like the European Union (EU) Member States, are willing to aid the countries hit by disasters bursting into emergency conditions. Normally they do it in the post-event phase but are willing also to give assistance, know-how and resources before any disaster event and provide aid for disaster preparedness and prevention to the states of disaster-prone areas.International cooperation when disasters and emergencies occur is a research theme visited by political scientists from time to time. In the last few yeas, the study of prevention and response policies towards serious natural and human-made emergencies has been gaining momentum (see Ansell, Boin and Keller, 2010; Attina, 2012; Boin, Ekengren and Rhinard, 2013; Boin, Busuioc and Groenleer, 2013; Clapton, 2011; Ekengren ef a/., 2006; journal of Contingencies and Crisis Management, 2014). In general, researchers look at an emergency as the critical condition of a society hit by an un-pre-empted event that (a) causes serious human sufferings, life losses and huge material damages, and (b) can be faced only with exceptional means and special actions. In a past study (Attina, 2013), four areas of emergency problems have been distinguished, namely (1) the problems caused by man-made disasters, i.e. by large-scale human violence like war, genocide, and mass persecution; (2) the problems arising out of the enduring conditions of massive poverty of a society in which the population has little or no means for decent life like food, shelter, clothes, healthcare, and education; (3) the natural disaster problems caused by floods, volcanic eruptions, earthquakes, droughts, wildfire, and geologic processes that bring huge distress and loss of life and property to people; and (4) the systemic-risk problems, i.e. the problems that come into existence as a risk turns into a real event like the break down of important infrastructures and technological systems, or into a chain of negative events in one of the main sectors of social life I ike the last global crisis in the financial sector. Such areas of emergency problems, though different from one another in important aspects, need similar response capabilities and the employment of almost the same exceptional instruments to relieve the victims, provide security, rebuild infrastructures, re-launch the economy and improve the political institutions and administration offices of the affected societies and states. …

The Contribution of the European Court of Auditors to EU Financial Accountability in Times of Crisis

Abstract: Financial accountability, as the obligation of public institutions to explain the way in which they manage public funds before the citizens or their representing fora, is undoubtedly linked to systemic legitimacy in any political system, especially in times of economic harshness. Within the European Union, the institution embodying financial accountability is the European Court of Auditors (ECA). This paper represents a critical appraisal of the contribution of the ECA to restoring trust among European citizens. After recalling the theoretical link between financial accountability and legitimacy, a section highlights the particularities of financial management in a system of multilevel governance as the EU. The ECA's institutional setup is then revised, in order to pinpoint potential gaps in its design that would reduce its effectiveness as the EU financial watchdog. Finally, attention is brought to the increased involvement of the ECA in solutions aimed at coping with the financial crisis. Recent developments show that the ECA is fully embarked in an institutional strategy to help cope with the financial and legitimacy crisis in the European Union.Keywords: financial accountability, public management, systemic legitimacy, European UnionJEL Classification: K00I. Introduction"The European Court of Auditors is an audit institution that is unique in the world - every bit as unique and inimitable as the European Union itself. Succeeding in carrying out the ECA's mission should not just be an internal challenge facing the Court. It should be the wish of every EU citizen that the ECA carry out its mission par excellence."3The ECA was established asa European Community institution by the Treaty of Brussels of 22 July 19754 and was promoted to the status of EU institution by the Maastricht Treaty5. Its headquarters are in Luxembourg. Since its inception, the ECA has claimed to be the "financial conscience" of the European Union6. The ECA is entitled by the Treaty to watch over sound financial management of EU funds in a twofold way: ex ante through its consultative function in the course of legislative reform and ex post through audit of the EU budget implementation.This paper examines the role of the European Court of Auditors as a supranational audit institution in providing solutions that help alleviating the effects of the severe economic crisis that has hit Europe since 2008. This crisis, the worst since the Great Depression of the 1930s, has urged audit institutions to take on new challenges in order to strengthen financial accountability, which is acknowledged as a complementary dimension of legitimacy in any political system.This paper is structured around three main parts. Firstly, section II aims at conceptual ising financial accountability and the link between financial accountability and legitimacy from the European Union perspective. Section III then concisely explains the basic features of financial management in the EU, with a particular focus on various shortcomings that arise from the difficulties to establish sound budget management in a multilevel governance system as the European Union. Initiatives put in place by the ECA are then revised in Section IV, in order to ascertain the contribution of this institution to better accountability in a post-crisis scenario. The final section summarizes the main conclusions of the paper and suggests paths for further research.II. Financial accountability and legitimacy in the European UnionNeither the fragile external action, nor the lack of consistency of EU policies embodies the archenemy of the European integration process. If something can really undermine the long-lasting project of an "ever closer union among the peoples of Europe"7, it is certainly the existing lack of ownership among European citizens as regards common institutions. It is now widely accepted that the EU can aspire at enjoying some kind of democratic legitimacy even in the absence of a coherent polity8, but scholars have identified different dimensions of legitimacy throughout time. …

Explaining the Pattern of CSDP-Operations: Towards a Theoretical Synthesis

Abstract: The EU's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) has mainly been used to deploy small-scale operations, which generally did not provide the member states with clear security benefits. This article combines insights from different theories of international relations to explain this disappointing track record. It argues that liberal theories adequately identify the domestic pressures the member states' governments need to accommodate in the area of crisis management. Constructivism, on its part, properly emphasises the diverging strategic cultures of the member states. Both theories however fail to explain why domestic pressures and diverging strategic cultures lead to small-scale operations. Rational-choice institutionalism does provide a convincing explanation for the latter by drawing attention to the CSDP's ineffective institutional design. Realism, in turn, is best positioned to explain why the CSDP was not designed more effectively, by emphasising the reluctance of states to transfer sovereignty to international organisations. The article concludes by discussing two measures that could alleviate the impact of the identified impediments on the CSDP's track record: devising a CSDP-strategy and adapting the consensus rule. However, since the latter is very unlikely in the near future, the CSDP is not expected to develop into a more effective framework for crisis management.

The Future of Private Equity in Europe - The Determinants Across Countries

Abstract: :This paper examines two aspects related to private equity investments in Europe. First, we will present the evolution of private equity investments across European countries during the last crisis. Second, the paper will analyse and identify the main determinants of the European private equity market, using an empirical panel analysis. The empirical model includes many of the determinants already tested in previous studies (GDP growth, Market Capitalization, Research and Development Expenditures, Interest rates, etc.) and also new variables such as productivity and corruption index which we consider important factors in explaining the evolution of private equity investments in Europe. The present research paper follows the equilibrium model of private equity investments (Gompers and Ferner 1998, Jeng and Wells 2000, Romain and de La Potteria 2004, Felix 2007). We will use aggregated data from European private equity market during 2000-2013, as well as macroeconomic data, in order to estimate a panel data model with fixed and random effects. This paper will also run the Hausman specification test in order to compare the consistency of fixed effects models and random effects models. Our results confirm existent hypotheses regarding the importance of some determinants on the evolution of private equity investments in Europe. However, in the context of the last crisis new factors emerged as important for the private equity market in Europe such as productivity or corruption.Keywords: private equity, economic growth, market capitalization, unemployment rate, corruption, private equity determinants, Europe.JEL Codes: C23, G24, G32, G34.(ProQuest: ... denotes formulae omitted.)1. IntroductionThis article tries to answer to the following questions: How the recent crisis impacted the evolution of Private Equity in Europe? and What are the factors affecting the evolution of private equity investments in Europe?Europe is the second largest private equity market worldwide after United States. In 2013, total private equity investments amounted to 35.7 billion euros which represents a drop of 49% compared to pre-crisis levels. This drop was mainly in relation to the austerity measures taken by European governments in order to respond to the sovereign debt crisis. However, in the last years we have seen that private equity investments began to slightly revive in Europe but modest and well below pre-crisis levels.The objective of this research is to identify and analyse the main factors affecting the evolution of private equity in Europe. It should be noted that the literature is not exhaustive in terms of identifying the determinants of private equity market. However, some studies managed to identify and validate macroeconomic variables such as the GDP growth, the market capitalization, the R&D expenditure, the interest rates, etc. as drivers for the private equity market. In general, the literature studies the phenomenon of venture capital which targets the investments in start-ups and is a subcomponent of the private equity investments.The papers which are more relevant for this study, both in terms of model and methodology, are the following: Gompers and Lerner 1998, Jeng and Wells 2000, Romain and de La Potteria 2004, Felix 2007.Gompers and Lerner (1998) study the development of venture capital activity in U.S. taking into account the period 1969 - 1994. The main variables studied were: the number of IPOs, the economic growth (expressed as GDP growth in real terms) and the shortterm interest rate (expressed as the yield of U.S. Treasury securities). Gompers and Lerner (1998) confirm the positive effect of the economic growth on the evolution of venture capital in U.S. Both authors also confirm statistically the negative relationship between the venture capital and the short-term interest rate. However, Gompers and Lerner (1998) failed to statistically validate a relationship between the number of IPOs and the funds raised for the venture capital investments. …

Empowered to Deliver: The Institutional Model and Implementation Arrangements under the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement

Abstract: In the context of truly politicised and geopolitically discoursed public and academic debates around the pioneering and, at the same time, revolutionary EU-Ukrainian association deal, this article seeks to present a pragmatic law and politics view on one of the cornerstone issues in the newly launched EU association policy towards Ukraine, i.e. the institutional and implementation framework. It therefore explores possible modalities and the actually arranged implementation model of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement, and assesses the strengths and weaknesses thereof. The challenges posed by the recent unduly 'flexibilisation' and postponement of the agreement's provisional application are analysed, and the procedural requirements for transitional implementation and full enactment are disclosed. Finally, the association's institutional engineering is given thorough legal and political scrutiny, that allowed to contend that the truly empowered institutional framework and selected implementation model are deemed to gear the process of political association and economic integration, yet these heavily draw on explicit conferral of dynamic powers and implicit integration-oriented functional rationale.Keywords: European Union, Ukraine, association agreement, application, implementation model, institutional frameworkIntroductionThe process of negotiating and concluding with Ukraine the first of the European Union's 'new generation' association agreements has been anything but an easy and smooth political development. The Agreement's economic and political weight, against the backdrop of highly politicised geopolitical narratives, but also its very comprehensive and complex legal nature are to a large extent responsible for such a procedural intricacy. To share Hillion's (2007) view, one has to reckon here with an inherent axiomatic peculiarity of EU's contractual links with the third countries: 'In EU external relations, the rule is almost as follows: the more ambitious the agreement, the more difficult its conclusion' (Hillion 2007: 177). In the case of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement, the difficulty is not only reflected in negotiating and drafting the content of the agreement, it lies the more so in arranging the treaty's implementation framework and complying therewith.The comprehensiveness and complexity of the newly concluded Association Agreement between the European Union and Ukraine quasi by default imply significant challenges for the effective implementation of the treaty - both in terms of its implementation modes and models (transitional implementation period, suspension clause, institutional implementation models), substantial and procedural implementation policies (legislative and regulatory approximation, institutional association policy) as well as legal effects (constitutional tolerance, direct applicability, direct effect, interpretation rules, dispute settlement mechanism).The agreement involves moreover high implementation costs, especially as regards such policy areas as the internal market acquis transposition, customs regulations, environment policy, agriculture (and land reform) policy, and also transport, energy and nuclear safety policies. Significant institutional and personnel costs are also to be accounted for in the context of the agreement's effective implementation policy. In addition to these, in principle, anticipated challenges to the implementation of the EUUkraine Association Agreement, the process has been already formidably impeded by - earlier - unexpected Russian invasion in the Ukrainian peninsula of Crimea, its annexation and further aggression on the country's Eastern borderlands. This poses additional legal and political problems both for the territorial scope of the agreement's application, and the implementation arrangements themselves that become hostage of political gambling and blackmailing on the Russian side. Hence, not only rules of origin and the heavyweight part of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement, the DCFTA, have grown therewith into the biggest concerns for the agreement's effective implementation - the very application and implementation model agreed according to the norms of international law between the parties to the agreement is being amended under pressure of the external factor. …

EU and US External Policies on Human Rights and Democracy Promotion: Assessing Political Conditionality in Transatlantic Partnership

Abstract: This contribution aims at advancing existing research about the role that the Transatlantic Partnership may play within the specific field of human rights and democracy promotion in the current changing global order. It examines recent changes to the foreign policies of the European Union and the United States on this area and assesses the impact of these changes on the transatlantic partnership over the last five years. The paper argues that these modifications entail a greater convergence between the policies of the two regions, though some ideological divergences, lack of coordination and differences in implementation are still observable. However, the increasing mutual realignment could foster a truly transatlantic partnership in the field if both partners attain to define a joint strategy and establish common institutions to ensure permanent dialogue and policy coherence. At the same time, this enhanced co-operation could enable them to remain the principal supporters of human rights and democracy in the current multi-polar order.Keywords: human rights; democracy promotion; political conditionality; transatlantic co-operation; multi-polar world.IntroductionThe European Union (EU) and the United States (US) have traditionally been the chief supporters of human rights and democracy promotion throughout the world. Over the last three decades, the two have been committed to strengthening dialogue on these issues both unilaterally and bilaterally. Throughout this period, however, areas of transatlantic discrepancy have also emerged, although the first post-Cold War decade was generally marked by significant convergence between the two partners. Indeed, with new states emerging in Central and Eastern Europe, the issue of human rights and democracy promotion became a central feature in the transatlantic relationship.Over the last decade, global power shifts and the rise of a whole array of actors participating in human rights and democracy promotion policies, such as international organizations, new democracies and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), have put an end to transatlantic hegemony in this field. There is now a range of divergent approaches in the international arena of human rights and democracy promotion. As a consequence, in the current multi-polar world context, the EU and the US are no longer the sole players in this field. In addition, the current global environment, with non-democratic countries run by entrenched regimes and failed states, makes democratisation an especially challenging task. Driven by different factors and geopolitical circumstances, the two partners have recently made significant adjustments to their policies in order to improve their capacities in the field of human rights and democracy promotion.In light of these factors, this paper considers whether these policy reforms will enable the transatlantic partners to maintain their position as leaders in the promotion of human rights and democracy in the current multi-polar world. In addressing this question, this paper argues that recent adjustments in EU and US external human rights and democracy promotion policies have narrowed the ideological gap between them, which may have the potential to foster a more sustained transatlantic co-operation in this area. Drawing on this hypothesis, the first part of the paper reviews the basic tenets, actors and instruments of current EU and US policies. It demonstrates that while recent adjustments by the two regions come in response to different stimuli, in practice the changes entail a growing convergence between their respective policies, in terms of both approach and instruments. The second part goes on to assess the potential of this mutual realignment on the transatlantic human rights and democracy agenda and in the global context. It finds that despite co-operating in various forums and conflicts, divergences and lack of coordination still persist between the two partners. …

Ukraine in the WTO: Effects and Prospects

Abstract: Over 6 years have passed since Ukraine became a member of the WTO. The accession has had both positive and negative effects on the country's economy. The process of accession took place in the absence of any definite economic development strategy. As a consequence, the national manufacturers were hurt in many respects. Ukraine acceded to the WTO on terms rather unfavourable for the country, with little to no regard for the opinions of experts and the business milieu. That resulted in losses for the most vulnerable sectors of Ukraine's economy. Those are the industries which produce high value-added products, including machine building, consumer goods industry and food-processing. This goes to show that the country's WTO membership was detrimental for the innovation-oriented industries involving high technologies. The branches of the real sector of the economy which produce low value-added products (such as agriculture, chemical industry, and metallurgy) fared better. Despite the patterns of poor judgment shown, there are certain positive effects of Ukraine's WTO membership. Among them one can mention the possibility to conduct equitable dialogue with the country's foreign trade partners, enhancement of competitive advantages of the major producers in the real sector, provision of incentives to harnessing new technologies, improvement of production quality in order to enhance the competitiveness on the global market. Ukraine's experience shows that it is obviously necessary for Russia to make efforts in order to ensure that Russia's WTO membership would advantage the national economy and the real sector entities. Russia's WTO membership can give a great impetus to the country development, but only if relevant domestic reforms will adapt Russian economic and legislative institutions to the conditions of the WTO multilateral trade agreements.Keywords: World Trade Organisation, Ukrainian economy, effects of Ukraine's accession to the WTO.IntroductionThe topic of this article is mainly based on the results and prospects of Ukraine's accession to the WTO. The choice of this topic is motivated by the importance of assessing the experience of Ukraine in order to draw some basic conclusions for Russia. Ukraine has become an official member of the WTO on 16 May 2008. For Russia, which joined the WTO on 22 August 2012, it will be very useful to analyse the consequences of Ukraine's accession to the WTO. Firstly, the economic structure of the country is closest to the structure of the Russian economy, and secondly, it has been more than 6 years since the entry of Ukraine into the WTO, which is sufficient time to assess the socioeconomic impact of this development.The purpose of this research is to analyze the results and consequences of Ukraine's accession to the WTO, and on this basis to draw conclusions about the possible consequences of Russia's WTO accession.To achieve this goal, the authors proceeded to:1) Consider the experts' opinions with regard to the assessment of the conditions and consequences of Ukraine's accession to the WTO;2) Analyse the dynamics of Ukraine's foreign trade in the 2000-2012 period;3) Evaluate the impact of the global financial crisis and its key factors on the dynamics of the foreign trade of Ukraine;4) Determine the trend of changes in foreign direct investment in Ukraine;5) Analyse the changes in the domestic consumer market of Ukraine;6) Analyse the changes in some sectors of Ukrainian economy: automotive, agricultural machinery, woodworking and trade in food products;7) Consider the financial performance of the real sector of economy of Ukraine.Based on the study, they assessed the effects of Ukraine's accession to the WTO and drew conclusions on possible outcomes of WTO membership for Russia.In order to analyse and evaluate the consequences of Ukraine's accession to the WTO combined methods of analysis have been employed using official statistics, the definition of core concepts and the identification of trends with the help of various indicators. …

The Changing Nature of Security in Europe: the Triangle between Russia's New Foreign Policy, the CSDP and NATO

Abstract: IntroductionIn the past, the security was retained as a dimension of the state. According to Roe2, the national security is concerned with threats to its sovereignty, but if the state loses its sovereignty, it will not survive as a state. Furthermore, the national security is concerned with threats to its identity which means that if the society loses its identity, it will not survive as a society. The national security problem is very important, especially when the state becomes insecure because of threats against its society. Namely, the national security problem, more precisely the state security can also be brought into question by a high level of societal cohesion3. According to Waever, this relates to those instances where a state's programme of homogenisation comes into conflict with the strong identity of one or more of its minority groups.4National security is essential to an environment and geographical space in which people can live without fear. It consists, primarily, of physical security on both the international and domestic sides. This includes protection from external threats to the country and safety in one's homeland. This is generally accomplished through hard power and homeland security efforts.5However, the new era of security is characterised by a whole new level of complexity. There is no longer sufficient security within the national boundaries in a digital era where the forces of globalisation long ago "wiped" the physical borders between countries when it comes to security. Especially within the European Union, where the security of the Union is not only the main preoccupation of the Member States, but is influenced by a set of external actors.Within the paper, through theoretical and practical aspects, the current position of the security and stability in the 21st century is analysed. The paper especially pays attention to the possible implications of current threats to European security, particularly as a result of the actual impact of the external and internal actors across the continent. On one side is the European Union in the framework of CSDP, while on the other side is the new foreign policy of Russia, showcased through the current developments and the crisis in Ukraine. Last but not least, there is the NATO Alliance, the first military alliance ever formed during times of peace.Theoretically, the paper will present attitudes and analyses of prominent theorists of contemporary security studies. The research is based on qualitative analysis of relevant data. In terms of qualitative methods we will use: a method of analysis and synthesis; analysis of the materials content; synthesis; comparative method; method of generalization and specification. Through proper application of the scientific methodology, we estimate that the paper will become a useful instrument that could serve as a relevant contribution in the process of formulating viable solutions to practical problems in the field of security studies.1. The meaning of national security and stability in the 21st centuryIn the 21s1 century the concept of security underwent a series of transformations in terms of understanding. It is about taking into account different perspectives of the security, namely different from solely its military dimension. This approach was especially developed after the end of the Cold War. According to Mathews6, the level of security depends on economic, demographic, social and other aspects related to the society. For Mathews, the concept of the security went out of its military-centric confines.There is this constant debate between the different theoreticians of the security studies about the main focus of this discipline. Nevertheless, it is essential for the main public to understand that the security issues depend on the core values that are being protected in and assumed as such by the society.The main security dilemma when it comes to the national security and identity is the level of understanding of the security elements. …

Rethinking the European Union: From Unity in Diversity to Diversity in Unity

Abstract: Florin Bonciu11. European Union: The objective need of a fresh restartAs a rule and with very few exceptions, if any, on any conceivable subject there are different opinions, some of them even contradictory or conflicting. Being such a large concept and at the same time reality European Union raised in time a variety of for and against positions with an infinity of shades of meaning in between.Anyway, we appreciate that the current situation is fundamentally different because the internal tensions of the organisation exceeded a point of no return. In this context whether something is done or nothing is done the European Union is going to change in a profound way. The question is not if but when and how. These intrinsic structural tensions within the European Union which are manifested in the economic, political and social areas as well as the perception that a change is about to happen determine in our view the objective need for a fresh restart.An important clarification is necessary before going any further. A restart means a continuation in a different way, adapted to the new local, regional and global circumstances. Therefore the position of this paper is not for or against the European Union, it is just for a European Union which is adapted to the new realities, efficient and competitive in an ever more integrated global economy.The long term perspective: looking into the pastIn 2007 when the European Union celebrated 50 years since the signing of the Treaty of Rome there were a lot of analyses regarding the achievements of the first 50 years and the challenges for the next 50 years. At that time I appreciated that the European Commission did not speak about the objectives for the next 50 years but about the challenges. It was a balanced and prudent approach. The first challenge mentioned (that is Facing Globalisation) was the challenge resulting from the unfolding of the globalisation process2. Meaning that in the mentioned globalisation process the European Union was not exactly in a favourable position.But the declining position of the European Union in the world economy was not something specific to the 2007 anniversary of 50 years since its inception as it is not something related to the economic crisis that started in 2008 or the acute Greek crisis that manifested in 2015. The declining position of the European Union in the world economy has been a phenomenon that started long ago, before the organisation had been rebranded in 1992 with this name.According to Business Monitor Research that processed data from the International Monetary Fund for the past 35 years (period 1980 - 2014) the share of European Union in world GDP in PPP expression has declined constantly from about 29.775 % in 1980 to about 16.939 % in 20143. During that period of 35 years 19 countries became members of the European Union which brought about a considerable enlargement but at the same time the share of the organisation in the world GDP has declined constantly. A conclusion from this long term trend could be that the European Union is affected by a more structural and even intrinsic fact that makes it less dynamic than other regions of the world.Assuming that the trends that manifested in the past 35 years will hold true for the next 5 years, by 2019 the share of European Union in world GDP will be of just 15 %4. As can be noted, an interesting fact is that if the forecast for the next 5 years is true then in 40 years (from 1980 till 2019) the European Union would have halved its share in the world GDP from 29.775 % (which is about 30 %) to 15 %. This long term trend is presented in Figure 1.Consistent with this long term trend in 2008 when the financial and then economic crisis affected a lot of countries, particularly the developed ones, the European Union was among the areas that suffered the most. This statement can be easily proven with International Monetary Fund and World Bank data. …

Crafting a Wider Strategy for Conflict Management in the Neighbourhood? A Comparative Perspective on the European Union's Civilian Missions in Georgia and Kosovo

Abstract: The European Union's wider neighbourhood hosts some of the world's main unresolved conflicts. As the EU developed its foreign and security policy, a blend of internal security and external stability concerns, as well as the reference to international legal and humanitarian norms, required it to try tackling (some of) these conflicts. Through both the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Stabilisation and Association Process the EU establishes contractual relations with its neighbours and tries to incentivise them for the adoption of economic and political reforms and legislative approximation to EU standards. Also, in some cases, the EU is providing support for conflict management through political dialogue, financial assistance or deployment of missions under the Common Security and Defence Policy. At its core, this paper is concerned with comparatively analysing the degree of integration between CSDP and the ENP and SAP frameworks respectively. The comparative case-study will therefore analyse CSDP missions undertaken in the Georgia/ Abkhazia and South Ossetia and Kosovo/Serbia cases, in order to identify common challenges across the two EU policy frameworks for its neighbourhood and to explore the perspectives for the emergence of an EU strategy of conflict management based on CSDP operations and various forms of engaging third countries.Keywords: conflict management, Common Security and Defence Policy, Stabilisation and Association Process, European Neighbourhood Policy, Kosovo, GeorgiaIntroductionThe European Union's (EU) "neighbourhood" hosts some of the world's main unresolved conflicts. In the Western Balkans2 external intervention was attempted in two cases - in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo - and outside powers imposed settlements underpinned by internationally-controlled institutions. In the former Soviet space the conflicts became "frozen" after de facto secession, as in the cases of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Transnistria and Nagorno-Karabakh. In the Middle East the dominant conflict with recurring violent episodes remains the one between Israel and the Palestinians, with the international community constantly attempting mediation. As the EU developed its foreign and security policy, it became more or less involved in conflict management in each of these cases.In 2003 the European Security Strategy defined the stabilisation of the EU's neighbourhood as a key priority, soon after the crisis management component of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP)3 became operational. As CSDP operations need to relate to broader policy frameworks in order to be successful, the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) and the Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP) could serve as possible examples. By deploying CSDP missions in the countries covered by ENP and SAP, the EU indicates both a significant political interest in each particular case and security concerns regarding the unresolved conflicts in its vicinity. Through both ENP and SAP the EU establishes contractual relations with its neighbours, which gives it the opportunity to provide the parties with incentives for negotiating peace. This paper will therefore compare the ENP (the Eastern dimension) and the SAP on the basis of how these macro-policy frameworks can integrate the more specific CSDP crisis management operations. The comparative case-study will analyse the EU involvement in conflict management in the Georgia/'Abkhazia and South Ossetia and Kosovo/Serbia cases, with an emphasis on the CSDP missions it deployed. The objective is to identify common challenges across the two policy frameworks and to explore the perspectives for the emergence of an EU strategy for conflict management in the neighbourhood, based on CSDP operations and their link to existing frameworks for cooperation with third countries.The literature concerning the EU's involvement in conflict management outside its borders has developed significantly in the last ten years. …

Labour Market Restrictions and Migrations in the EU: A Case of Ukrainian Migration

Abstract: The thesis aims to estimate the future migration flows from Ukraine to the European Union. Based on the experience of previous EU enlargements and econometric modelling using the method of Ordinary Least Squares with fixed effects, multiple forecasts are created. The forecasts capture the likely development of migration flows in the event of abolishment of labour market restrictions as well as the case with pending restrictions.Our results show that migration flows are expected to be moderate, posing no threats to the stability of the labour markets of EU member states. The increase of migration due to accession to the EU is likely to be short-term, without substantial impacts in the long-run. Ukraine has large migration potential and is likely to supply the highest amount of labour migration amongst all former USSR countries.Keywords: international migration, migration potential, ordinary least squares with fixed effects, migration forecasts(ProQuest: ... denotes formulae omitted.)BackgroundThe history of Ukrainian migrations is significantly shaped by the political development in the Eastern Europe. Waves of emigration appeared in the 19th and 20th century where noticeable groups of Ukrainians departed to the USA, Canada, or Australia. However, the largest Ukrainian diaspora can now be found in the Russian Federation.Afterthe collapse ofthe Soviet Union, Ukrainian economy suffered from hyperinflation: the inflation rate rocketed and exceeded 500% in 1995 and stabilized only by January 1998 to the point that the fluctuations reduced to tens of percentage points instead of hundreds (Sanderson and Strielkowski, 2013). Remaining ties to the Soviet Union were apparent in the structure of migration flows - most ofthe migrants were heading towards the Russian Federation. Regions such as Moscow and Saint Petersburg attracted Ukrainians mainly because of better income opportunities, same language, geographical proximity, demand for labour, and visa free access (Strielkowski and Weyskrabova, 2014). Nevertheless, it was hard to distinguish the true motivation for migration especially in the case of Ukraine. A significant stream of migrants going to the Russian Federation did so mainly due to ethnical reasons and therefore the amount of labour migration was difficult to separate (see Schimmelfennig, 2008; Shapovalova, 2010; Vass and Alexe, 2012; or Rausser and Strielkowski, 2013).Migration in Ukraine has also been geographically biased. For population living in the Eastern part of the country and Crimea, the Russian Federation was their preferred destination whereas Western regions took advantage of the geographic proximity and searched for work in the EU. Ukraine has also experienced significant demographic decline caused by a sharp drop in the birth rate and the negative migration balance. According to data from the World Bank (2014), the total population decreased in the period 1991 to 2012 from 52 to 45.6 million.Over 6.56 million Ukrainians were living abroad in 2010 which constituted nearly 15% of the whole population. There were only about 500.000- 700.000 living in the EU (Eurostat 2014). The Russian Federation remains the number one destination with about 1-2 million Ukrainians living in the country. Other major destinations comprise Canada, USA (both with stocks of about 1 million), Moldova (660.000), Kazakhstan (550.000), Poland (300.000), Belarus (240.000), Italy, Czech Republic (both 200.000), Israel, Germany, Portugal (all three 150.000), Spain (100.000), Slovakia (60.000), and Turkey (35.000) (Bardak et al. 2011). A different source, a report by IOM (2011), mentioned stocks of about 3 million in the Russian Federation, nearly 3 million together in the USA and Canada, 600.000 in Moldova, 500.000 in Kazakhstan and 0.5 million elsewhere (IOM, 2011).Extended migration profile of Ukraine (IOM, 2011) summarizes the post-Soviet period of Ukrainian migration by five main patterns of migration flows. …

Assessing the European Parliament’s Democratic Credentials

Abstract: :Doubts persist about the democratic legitimacy and role of the European Parliament in EU decision-making - this article takes a critical look at the body's democratic credentials. An analysis of voter turnout and the impact the 'Spitzenkandidaten process' had on the second-order nature of European elections suggests that the European Parliament suffers from lower turnout than national counterparts, and that the 2014 European elections remained a second-order affair, in spite of the Parliament's efforts. Existing data and analysis show that while the European Parliament to does a reasonable job translating citizens' views in relation to left/right issues, the Parliament is more supportive of EU integration than citizens - new data gathered suggest the lack of congruence is pronounced. The European Parliament's institutional framework set by the Treaties affects its choices, its more limited role in certain areas may lead it to adopt policy positions that are at odds with citizens' views and security. Ultimately, the European Parliament does not enhance the democratic nature of the EU. The adoption of a more intergovernmental approach to EU decision-making at the expense of the European Parliament would help improve the democratic credentials of EU decision making, and as a minimum further expansion of the Parliament's powers should be avoided.Keywords: European Parliament, democracy, legitimacy, democratic deficit, electionsIt is an article of faith for certain academics (for example Follesdal, p.85, 2000; Loewe, 2014; Wessels and Diedrichs, 1997; Borchardt, 2010) and MEPs that the European Parliament (EP) enhances the democratic nature of the EU. The European Parliament has recently made a concerted push for greater involvement in oversight of the Greek bailout deal, which Gianni Pittella, Chair of the Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the EP sees as "a matter of democratizing the procedures" (Michalopoulos, 2015). In many instances the belief in the democratizing power of the EP is based on the fact that it is "the only directly elected EU institution" (Crombez, 2003). Counterclaims are made by those such as British Prime Minister, David Cameron who believe that national parliaments are "the true source of real democratic legitimacy and accountability in the EU" (Cameron, 2013). I use this piece to take a critical look at whether the EP enhances the democratic functioning of the EU, arguing that the EP's democratic legitimacy and role is open to question in several regards. The article proceeds as follows:First, I chart the rise in power of the EP and its role in EU decision-making under the Lisbon Treaty. Second I briefly examine what constitutes democracy and democratic legitimacy, and look at the EU's democratic deficit, and the second-order nature of elections to the Parliament. I then analyse whether the EP meets ordinary standards of democratic legitimacy, considering the issues of voter turnout and the congruence of MEPs' and citizens' views - broadly concluding that the EP suffers from a shortfall in democratic legitimacy, and compares unfavourably to national parliaments in this regard. Moving beyond this analysis I explain how the EP's more limited role compared to national governments in certain areas may lead it to adopt policy positions that are at odds with citizens' views and security. I then draw together these arguments to come to a critical view of the EP's role in enhancing the democratic nature of the EU. Finally, I offer solutions to address the problem, advocating the adoption of a more intergovernmental approach to EU decision-making at the expense of the EP, or as a minimum avoiding any further expansion of the Parliament's powers in future Treaties.The rise and rise of the European ParliamentThe EP's predecessor, the Parliamentary Assembly of the European Economic Community began life in 1957 with the merging of the ECSC Joint Assembly, the EEC Assembly and the Euratom Assembly (Borchardt, 2010). …

Comparative Analysis of Minimum Income Guaranteed Schemes within the Member States of the European Union

Abstract: IntroductionThe present paper is focused on screening the provision of the guaranteed minimum resources within the EU member states. Understanding social policy regulations nowadays at both EU and domestic level of each of the member states implies an assessment of the latest social protection network for the ones in need. The welfare state defined as "gouvernants" and "gouvernes" in the contractual tradition functions by its sovereign attributes (Boudon, Bourricaud, 1982, 236-237). It can also be interpreted as an essential correlation "between the idea of society and the idea of government, a certain conception of social harmony" (Compte, 1995, 114).Social programmes for guaranteed income include: credit income tax, negative income tax, MIG, and earned income tax credit) (Pop, 2002, 594). Other complementary concepts in understanding MIG schemes are guaranteed minimum resources, poverty, minimum wage, low paid work, subsistence minimum and minimum of decent life which takes into consideration elements of personal development and social affirmation (Briciu, 2002, 43-44; Arriba, Ibanez, 2002, 16-18: Mihailescu, 2004, 15; §tefanescu, 2013, 117118; Mihailescu, 2014, 132-133; Mihailescu, 2015a, 157; Mihailescu, 2015b, 158).MIG is subject of two complementary visions: as assistance supported by a universal substitute allowance and as a complementary preservation of obtained advantages in terms of allowances, pensions and guaranteed resources (Ferreol, 2000, 163). Provision of MIG supports social inclusion especially by its benefits promoting active inclusion on the labour market (Zamfir, 2002, 55-57; Nie, Stanescu, 2004, 14; Stanescu, Dragotoiu, Marinoiu, 2012, 257-258; Stanescu et al, 2013, 14-16). Still, the low level of minimum income is a demotivating factor for labour insertion, people preferring to continue to access social assistance benefits through various guaranteed minimum resources rather than working for a low salary (Stanciu, Mihailescu, 2011, 15).As methodology, MISSOC data bases are used. Research outputs are presented in three categories: the EU founders2, other old member states than the EU founders3, and Central and Eastern European (CEE) member states4. The research hypothesis on which this classification is based is that the accession to the EU shaped the design of the domestic social policy, and is owned by the largest post-doctoral programme to which this paper is part of.Applicable statutory basisThis section of the article analyses the applicable statutory basis for MIG from three perspectives: the chronological development in relation to the moment of becoming an EU member state, types of regulations and subjects approached.According to the MISSOC data base, 25 out of 28 member states updated or adopted MIG related regulations within the last decade of the 1990s (three countries), the first decade of 2000s (ten countries), and the second decade of 2000s (12 countries).Three countries follow MIG related regulations adopted before becoming an EU member state, two countries changed these regulations in the year of EU accession, and 20 countries after the accession. In reference to the last category of countries, nine countries recorded MIG changes in less than ten years after joining EU, while four after more than 50 years.As extreme values, RO regulated MIG six years before the EU accession, while FR continues to update regulations 64 years after becoming an EU member state. The purpose of this paper is not to analyse the reasons behind these legislative changes. Still, one recommendation in this respect is that the MISSOC data base should register differently domestic changes due to the provision conditions and to the updated amounts of MIG. The latter aspect is an element which does not essentially modify the general scheme of distributing the MIG.Within the category of EU founders, IT and LU follow MIG related regulations that were adopted earlier on (1998 and 1999), while the latest related regulations were adopted by FR and MT in the year 2015. …

Mapping the EU-Republic of Moldova Trajectory: Roadblocks on the Way to Economic Integration with the EU

Abstract: :This article focuses on EU-Republic of Moldova relations by taking an in-depth look at the Association Agreement and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement's provisions. Specific attention is given to both the political and economic integration aspects, benefits for the agriculture sector and an assessment of risk factors. Within the European Neighbourhood Policy instrument and the policy of Eastern Partnership, the Republic of Moldova has gained a crucial importance over the past 10 years. Having been positioned between two political and economic strong poles, many times it had to decide on which side to be. Moreover, the Association Agreement signed in june 2014 has updated the EU-Moldova relations and gave it a boost towards European integration, economic and commercial development, encouraging the Republic of Moldova to finally break from its Soviet past and move forward.Keywords: EU, Republic of Moldova, European Neighbourhood Policy, Association Agreement, Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA), economic integration, agriculture sector, Trade policy, EU-model society, Eastern PartnershipIntroductionThe Association Agreement (AA) is an economic and political tool applied by the EU in order to develop its foreign policy and commercial relations with the neighbouring countries and implemented by the later in order to prosper and cultivate the EU core values. In this particular case, the AA is meant to grow closer political relations, as well stronger economic ties between the EU and the Republic of Moldova2, according to former Enlargement Commissioner Stefan Fule3. The AA negotiations between the European Commission and the Republic of Moldova, including the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA), started back in 2009, and the agreement was finally signed4 on 27 June 2014.5 By replacing the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA), the AA has moved the political dialogue and economic integration between the EL) and Moldova to a new stage. In the aftermath, Moldova has proven remarkable results in implementing all the EU reforms and so far is the most promising of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) partners. This is an important acceleration of the EU-Moldova relationship and reflects the progress of Moldovan society, its openness and readiness to enhance European values, democracy, rule of law and respect for equal rights. However, it was and still is a long and difficult path for Moldova and the constant political instability, pressure from the Russian Federation (e.g. numerous embargoes on wine and other domestic products) and economic difficulties render it extremely challenging. Despite that, Moldova is recognized as the fastest reforming country in the European neighbourhood. For example, Moldova is the only EaP partner that has already achieved a visa-free regime with the EU.6 Indeed, even after signing the AA, Moldova will have to implement numerous internal institutional reforms, take necessary measures in fighting corruption and reach a proper level of transparency in governance structures (i.e. in 2013, the Transparency International Corruption Perception Index placed Moldova on 102 out of 137 positions included).7 Acknowledging its vulnerabilities and tending to radically reform the society in all necessary sectors, the AA was concluded based on general principles (provided in Title I) of democracy, human rights and fundamental freedoms, free market economy, sustainable development and effective multilateralism, rule of law and good governance, good neighbouring relations.8It is important to highlight that even though the AA was concluded between the EU and the Republic of Moldova, existing and expected relations between the country and certain Member States have been differently established. Nevertheless, Moldova, even before launching into a deeper political and economic association with the EU, had closer partnerships with certain EU MS, for example Romania, Poland and Germany. …

Management of Regional and International Crises by the European Union

Abstract: :One of the European Union's main goals is to be an important actor in the field of international peace and security and, with this in mind, it has developed a number of military and civil capacities. With these capacities the EU has launched and contributed to a great number of peace missions on different continents. And, by capitalizing on the experience gained during these peace missions, a general improvement of the standards of the EU peacekeeping missions can be achieved. And with the lessons learned and the actions that have been taken by the EU in its military, civil and mixed operations it could also make use of its normative power in order to consolidate the respect and protection of the fundamental rights of different populations around the world.Keywords: European Union, crisis management, Petersberg tasks, peacekeeping, civil and military crisis management.IntroductionInternal and international armed conflicts have not always been managed in an adequate way on the international arena and for this reason constant violations of the fundamental human rights have taken place and have endangered the regional and international security and stability.Considering this problem that the international society is facing, it has to be asked: Has the participation of the EU been appropriate in terms of strengthening regional and international security? Has the European Union contributed to the creation of a climate of regional, national and international stability with its Petersberg tasks given the globalized and interconnected world in which we live?In order to answer these questions we have structured this investigation in two parts. In the first section we will study the role of the EU in the area of regional peace and security. In the second section we will discuss the role of the EU in the area of international peace and security.This research wants to: 1) foster the debate about the role that the EU has assumed in order to contribute to regional and international peace and security; 2) reaffirm the importance of strictly observing European and international laws; 3) establish that the actions of the European Union should be in line with the rules and principles that have been embedded in the Charter of the United Nations; 4) disseminate the lessons learned by the European Union with regards to regional and international peace and security.Finally, we should note that this research uses a multidisciplinary approach, where theory and practice are combined, in highlighting the various experiences of the European Union in the promotion of regional and international security. The sources that were used are official national documents and other documents with supranational character.1. The EU's Crisis Management Efforts in Regional Peace and SecurityWith the Treaty of Amsterdam the European Union had at its disposal a number of mechanisms that allowed it to develop a more important role in the area of regional peace and security. The EU wanted to become a more important player in the international society.2The Treaty of Amsterdam helped it in certain ways to reach this objective by transferring the Western European competences to it that had been linked to the tasks of Petersberg.3 However, for a long period of time the Member States debated on the need to approach the development of the Petersberg tasks with low or high intensity. With the adoption of the Global Objective of Helsinki, it was decided that the EU would obtain a major capacity to develop the whole range of missions mentioned before. The reference made in Article 17.2 TEU also caused some controversy between the Member States because of the possibility that the EU could use combat forces to manage certain crises. This led to the refusal of some Member States because it could lead to peace enforcement operations4.In this regard it has to be said that the initial rejection of the Petersberg tasks by some EU members has been overcome by missions of low intensity (humanitarian missions, maintaining traditional peace). …