Showing papers in "The Journal of Politics in 1974"
640 citations
TL;DR: The first draft of this paper was written while I was a research Fulbright Fellow at the University of Leiden, the Netherlands as mentioned in this paper. But it was not published until 2003.
Abstract: * This paper owes a great debt to my students in the National Opinion Research Center Training program, who did much to rekindle my interest in ideology. I would also like to thank Sidney Verba and Kenneth Prewitt for their intellectual contributions at various stages. The first draft of the paper was written while I was a research Fulbright Fellow at the University of Leiden, the Netherlands. I would like to express my appreciation to the Fulbright Foundation for support during this period and to the University of Leiden for supporting the research. Additional support for myself and for the research was provided by the National Science Foundation under Grant GS 3155 and the Twentieth Century Fund. The data reported in this article come from seven separate surveys and the organization and presentation was a mammoth job in data management. This task could not have been accomplished without the efforts of Carol Ann Lugtigheid, Eric Lugtigheid, John R. Petrocik, Jaap Rozema, and Jaap van Poelgeest.
274 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, a great deal of attention has been paid to the subject of intergovernmental relations, but little has been done to document the changing role of state vis-a-vis local government and the centralization of the state/local service and policy complex.
Abstract: IN RECENT YEARS a great deal of attention has been given to the subject of intergovernmental relations, but little has been done to document the changing role of the state vis-a-vis local government and the centralization of the state/local service and policy complex. It is impossible to analyze effectively the current condition of local government and the problems associated with it and at the same time neglect detailed consideration of the roles played by state and national agencies and programs. There has been considerable verbalization about the increasingly influential role of the national government in state and local affairs-verbalization that has presum-
105 citations
TL;DR: The concept of public interest is important for at least two reasons: it is important in the law of regulatory commissions; it appears frequently in the literature of public administration; and it abounds in political speeches and editorials.
Abstract: T HE CONCEPT OF "the public interest" is important for at least two reasons. In the first place, the debate over the meaning and usefulness of the term in recent academic literature, especially in the field of political science but also to some extent in law, contains a great deal of intrinsic interest. The idea is important in the law of regulatory commissions; it appears frequently in the literature of public administration; and it abounds in political speeches and editorials.1 Recently the activities of public-interest lobbies on behalf of consumer and environmental causes have attracted extensive attention and comment.
96 citations
TL;DR: The dominant party system is sometimes recognized as having a separate identity, though more often than not it is seen as a particular mutant of one of the other systems that results from idiosyncratic features of a specific historical tradition.
Abstract: POLITICAL PARTIES have long been central to the field of political science. As the most common linkage between the formal governmental structure and the social world, parties are a natural focus for students of political institutions, political behavior, political psychology, and political theory. The variety of the literature on parties reflects their multifaceted nature and the range of questions that can be asked about them. Although the taxonomic is one of the least rewarding approaches to the study of parties, much of the analysis existing in the literature reflects our concern with the differences between one, two, and multi-party systems. Underlying this concern is the realization that the number of parties has significance. The party is a major link between political elites and the mass and an important instrument of governing in most political systems, but the ways in which these functions are performed vary widely. The number of parties in a system and the ways in which they relate to one another are associated with radically different styles of politics. The dominant party system is sometimes recognized as having a separate identity, though more often than not it is seen as a particular mutant of one of the other systems that results from idiosyncratic features of a specific historical tradition. It is our contention that the dominant party system is sui generis. It should not be con-
93 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors point out some of the stimuli to which voters turn when they know so little about an election that they have absolutely no clues to direct them once they enter the voting booth.
Abstract: EVERY TWO YEARS literally thousands of candidates run for election to special district boards, county central committees, and obscure nonpartisan offices where the voters frequently not only do not know who the candidates are or to which party they belong. They do not even know what the officeholder is supposed to do once he or she is elected. The purpose of this research note is to point out some of the stimuli to which voters turn when they know so little about an election that they have absolutely no clues to direct them once they enter the voting booth. We originally asked the question, "What does the voter do when he goes into the voting booth with no knowledge of any of the candidates running, no knowledge of any of the candidates' positions on any of the issues, no knowledge of the issues, no partisan labels, and very little knowledge of the functions of the office itself?" As the voter enters the polling booth, then, he has no cues about the rewards accruing to him from his voting decision for this particular office except what he sees on the ballot itself.
53 citations
TL;DR: The reason why man is a being meant for a political association is explained in this paper, where it is shown that he alone possesses a perception of good and evil, of the just and the unjust, which makes a family and a polis.
Abstract: The reason why man is a being meant for a political association . . . is evident. Nature, according to our theory, makes nothing in vain; and man alone of the animals is furnished with the faculty of language . . . [this faculty] serves to declare what is advantageous and what is the reverse, and it therefore serves to declare what is just and what is unjust. It is the peculiarity of man, . . . that he alone possesses a perception of good and evil, of the just and the unjust ... and it is association in these things which makes a family and a polis. Aristotle Politics 1253A
52 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors describe the problem of avoiding inappropriate information while securing the discrete information needed to make rational decisions in a representative body of urbanization and industrialization, and the limitations on human intellect and energy when faced with the tasks of processing large amounts of information.
Abstract: O NE OF THE MOST APPARENT CONSEQUENCES for representative bodies of urbanization and industrialization has been the increased variety and technical complexity of public issues. These developments place a unique burden on the elected representative. Although he is not intentionally recruited to be expert in any area, he is expected to choose among alternatives in many areas, and he is often given little time to assemble relevant information. His ability to gather and evaluate that information is further limited by his own training and experience, whether or not he is full or part time, the availability of staff and research facilities, and particularly by the limitations on human intellect and energy when faced with the tasks of processing large amounts of information. In part the problem is to avoid inappropriate information while securing the discrete information needed to make rational decisions.'
51 citations
49 citations
TL;DR: In this article, an issue area in which science and technology have major impact on both cause and cure is treated, and air pollution is a rather recent addition to the federal domestic agenda, dating from the mid 1950s.
Abstract: DON K. PRICE, among others, has spoken of the challenges to political institutions resulting from the scientific revolution. The public and private sectors are less distinguishable, administration of public affairs is increasingly complex, checks and balances are not in their original order.1 These developments, according to Price, make "our traditional reactions" less reliable. He might have added, as he surely implies, that they make traditional political analysis less reliable as well. This article treats an issue-area in which science and technology have major impact on both cause and cure. Air pollution is a rather recent addition to the federal domestic agenda, dating from the mid1950s. Though a more or less traditional "majority-building incrementalist" model adequately explains federal air pollution policy development2 before 1970, the dramatic surge in public concern
44 citations
TL;DR: A review of literature see Malcolm E. Jewell and Samuel C. Patterson, The Legislative Process in the United States (New York: Random House, 1966) and W. Wayne Shannon, Party, Constituency and Congressional Voting (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1968).
Abstract: 1 See, for example, American Political Science Association Committee on Political Parties, Toward a More Responsible Two-Party System (New York: Rinehart, 1950); Thomas A. Flinn, "Party Responsibility in the States: Some Causal Factors," American Political Science Review, 58 (March 1964), 60-71; Lewis A. Froman, Jr., Congressmen and Their Constituencies (Chicago: Rand McNally & Company, 1963); Ralph K. Huitt, "Democratic Party Leadership in the Senate," American Political Science Review, 55 (June 1961), 333-344; and for a review of literature see Malcolm E. Jewell and Samuel C. Patterson, The Legislative Process in the United States (New York: Random House, 1966) and W. Wayne Shannon, Party, Constituency and Congressional Voting (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1968).
TL;DR: Decentralization is rapidly replacing God, Country and Motherhood in popular favor as discussed by the authors, and the core radical ideals and values of community, equality, and humaneness can most nearly be realized through decentralization.
Abstract: DECENTRALIZATION is rapidly replacing God, Country and Motherhood in popular favor. From the revolutionary left: "The sweeping concentration of power and control in the nationwide political and military Establishment necessitates the shift to decentralized forms of organization.... Monopoly capitalism has given a new concrete sense to the 'revolution from below.'"1 To the utopian left: "The core radical ideals and values of community, equality, and humaneness ... can most nearly be realized through decentralization."2 To the reformist left: "Decentralization will not 'solve' the problems of the poor, but it is a useful beginning."3 To the reformist right: "The foundation of endeavor must be good human relationships, not impersonal control from aloft and afar. Power should be more decentralized."4 To the status quo right: "A person can be expected to act responsibly only if he has responsibility. This is human nature. . . . Let us locate responsibility in more places. And let us
TL;DR: Deutsch has defined social mobilization as a process in which old social, economic, and psychological commitments are eroded or broken and people become available for new patterns of socialization and behavior as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: KARL DEUTSCH has defined social mobilization as a process in which "old social, economic, and psychological commitments are eroded or broken and people become available for new patterns of socialization and behavior."1 This uprooting and erosion occurs, Deutsch suggests, with urbanization, commercialization, and industrialization. He views these changes as the necessary prior conditions for political mobilization, which involves the induction of the socially uprooted into stable, new patterns of behavior and commitment. Among the most important results of the process of political mobilization are the increases in the number and membership of political and quasi-political organizations, in the scope and exercise of the franchise, and in the policy role and policy impact of the national government. Several major inadequacies in this conception of political mobiliz-
TL;DR: In this article, the authors attempt to determine to what degree various environmental and political system factors influence voting turnout in the United States, and to give support to one side in a current empirical controversy concerning the relationship of political system to social and economic characteristics of the environment.
Abstract: THE EMPIRICAL FOCUS OF THIS study is an attempt to determine to what degree various environmental and political system factors influence voting turnout in the United States. A more underlying purpose in light of the current state of political science, however, is to give support to one side in a current empirical controversy. This controversy concerns the relationship of the political system to social and economic characteristics of the environment. Since voting is assumed to be a vital element of our political system, it is much a part of the controversy, which extends to every facet of politics. At the present time, it appears that the proponents of the socio-economic interpretation have gained the favored position. It is a major purpose of this study to re-examine this interpretation. The major trend in political science over the last two decades has been "characterized by a rather strong deterministic bias."' Much of the research has tended to focus on socio-economic variables as the major factors affecting change in such political variables as vot-
TL;DR: For a survey of recent discussions of the theory of political representation in Britain, see A. H. Birch, Representation (London: Pall Mall, 1971), chaps. 1 and 2; Peter 0.1 as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: 1 For recent discussions of the theory of political representation in Britain, see A. H. Birch, Representation (London: Pall Mall, 1971), chaps. 1 and 2; Peter 0. J. Pulzer, Political Representation and Elections in Britain (London: Allen and Unwin, 1967); John A. Brand, "Councillors, Activists, and Electors: Democratic Relationships in Scottish Cities," in Comparative Legislative Behavior, ed. Samuel C. Patterson and John C. Wahlke (New York: WileyInterscience, 1972), 236-238. Two sources which explicitly examine aspects of the role orientations of elected representatives in British politics are John Dearlove, "Councillors and Interest Groups in Kensington and Chelsea," British Journal of Political Science, 1 (April 1971), 129-153 and Ian Budge et al., Political Stratification and Democracy (London: Macmillan & Co., 1972), 80-104. Also of relevance are Committee on the Management of Local Government, The Local Government Councillor (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office [H.M.S.O.]) passim; William H. Hampton, Democracy and Community (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970), 183-213; Jean Blondel and Robin Hall, "Conflict, Decision-Making, and the Perceptions of Local Councillors," Political Studies, 15 (October 1967), 322-350.
TL;DR: A number of reasons for the failure of government-sponsored efforts to promote community organization and citizen participation among the poor are discussed in this paper, with a focus on the relationship between government itself or with other powerful, established institutions.
Abstract: GOVERNMENT-SPONSORED efforts to promote community organization and citizen participation among the poor are no longer so glamorous as they were just five years ago. Indeed, the efforts themselves have declined or disappeared, and disappointment has replaced much of the enthusiasm that they once generated. Many intelligent observers have applied themselves to the task of explaining why "maximum feasible participation" could not live up to our expectations. The explanations vary, but a number of them share a tendency to look for the major sources of failure in the external affairs of government-sponsored citizen groups-in their relationships with government itself or with other powerful, established institutions. It has been suggested, for example, that the political mobilization of the poor under government auspices was unlikely to achieve the kinds of institutional reforms that were expected from it because, in a government-supported program of community organization, the engine of reform would depend directly or indirectly on some of the very institutions that were to be reformed. There was great risk that such a campaign to mobilize low-income citizens for political action would fall under the control of its governmental sponsors and become paralyzed or that it would so an-
TL;DR: The work in this paper was made possible by a Collaborative Research Training Project in Chile supported by the Foreign Area Fellowship Program (FAFP) in the summer of 1972, and the authors are also indebted to Luis Quiros of the Centro Latinoamericano de Demograflia, Jorge Tapia of the Universidad Catolica, Chile, Federico Gil and David Kovenock of the University of North Carolina.
Abstract: * This article was made possible by a Collaborative Research Training Project in Chile supported by the Foreign Area Fellowship Program (FAFP) in the summer of 1972. As graduate students participating in the project, Richard Moore of the University of Texas and Brian Smith of Yale University did much of the work in data gathering, coding, and tabulation; Jose Luis Rodriguez of Yale joined them in criticizing and shaping our ideas. We are also indebted to Luis Quiros of the Centro Latinoamericano de Demograflia, Jorge Tapia of the Universidad Catolica, Chile, and Federico Gil and David Kovenock of the University of North Carolina. All these individuals share with the FAFP any credit but no blame for what follows.
TL;DR: This paper examined the degree of convergence and differentiation between corporate, governmental, and public interest elites in America and identified a national institutional "elite" in America, and examined the extent of interlocking and specialization in office-holding; the differences in recruitment paths to top positions in governmental, corporate and public-interest organizations; and the degrees of differentiation in social backgrounds between top officeholders in these separate types of institutions.
Abstract: C. WRIGHT MILLS once observed: "No one can be truly powerful unless he has access to the command of major institutions, for it is over these institutional means of power that the truly powerful are, in the first instance, powerful."I We are aware, of course, that the potential for power lodged in top offices in great institutions is not always exercised by the office-holders. Certainly power and institutional positions are not equivalents. But the study of institutional leadership remains an important responsibility of political science. The purposes of this paper are, first, to attempt the identification of a national institutional "elite" in America and, then, to examine the degree of convergence and differentiation between corporate, governmental, and public interest elites. We will describe concentration in institutional resources; the extent of interlocking and specialization in office-holding; the differences in recruitment paths to top positions in governmental, corporate, and public interest organizations; and the degree of differentiation in social backgrounds between top office-holders in these separate types of institutions. We shall avoid elaborate theorizing about power, pluralism, poly-
TL;DR: The authors found that socioeconomic variables seem to be most important in explaining levels of expenditures, while political variables, as presently measured, do not seem important in determining state expenditure levels after controlling for socioeconomic variables; however, political variables may be important when looking at output variables other than expenditures.
Abstract: (1) Socio-economic variables seem to be most important in explaining levels of expenditures;2 (2) Political variables, as presently measured, do not seem to be important in determining state expenditure levels after controlling for socioeconomic variables;3 (3) Political variables may be important when looking at output variables other than expenditures (agency requests, enactment of laws, or qualitative outputs such as "quality of education") ;4
TL;DR: The extreme conservative is usually identified by certain beliefs which are presumed to indicate radicalism: notably, a belief in a communist conspiracy which has infiltrated the government and institutions of the United States, or by membership in or sympathy with acknowledged rightist groups-particularly the John Birch Society.
Abstract: THE POLITICAL CONSERVATISM, especially the extreme conservatism, which has characterized much of the contemporary milieu has been an object of considerable interest for students concerned with theorizing about direct political action. American scholarship seems to have produced a fairly consistent image of the radical rightist. Socially, he tends to be an older, less well-educated individual; economically, he is usually a person of lower-income and occupational status. He is likely to belong to a fundamentalist religious denomination. Psychologically, he exhibits such socially undesirable traits as authoritarianism, anti-Semitism, submissiveness, hostility, rigidity, and compulsiveness.' The extreme conservative is usually identified by certain beliefs which are presumed to indicate radicalism: notably, a belief in a communist conspiracy which has infiltrated the government and institutions of the United States, or by membership in or sympathy with acknowledged rightist groups-particularly the John Birch
TL;DR: In a post-1965 study of Negro registration in Alabama, Daniel found that many of the factors previously related to registration either failed or became obsolete as a result of the 1965 Voting Rights Act as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: BEFORE THE 1965 Voting Rights Act, most of the literature concerning participation by blacks in southern politics focused on registration. As a result of the enforcement of that Act, previous estimates of Negro registration soon became obsolete, as did the findings of the research conducted before 1965 on Negro participation.1 In a post-1965 study of Negro registration in Alabama, Daniel found that many of the factors previously related to registration either
TL;DR: For example, this paper pointed out that "a scheme of representation... promises the cure for [faction] which we are seeking." But they have overlooked the full significance of James Madison's direct statement in the Tenth Federalist.
Abstract: F OR DECADES SCHOLARS have overlooked the full significance of James Madison's direct statement in the Tenth Federalist: "a scheme of representation . . . promises the cure for [faction] which we are seeking."' It is surprising that they have ignored, also, his related prescription of a constitutional equilibrium to be achieved by allocating representation between the major sections as the primary means of controlling this source of faction. The first step to be taken in founding the new American republic, he asserted, was "a change in the principle of representation."2 Even when the Convention rejected his recommendation of equilibrium, the other change in representation was sufficiently novel and significant, Madison believed, to prove wrong the European theorists who opposed republicanism except in small trading cities. Europe had discovered representation, he conceded, but Americans could claim the merit of transforming that discovery by making "representation . . . the basis of unmixed and extensive republics."3
TL;DR: Theories of voting are, generally speaking, rudimentary and fragmented as mentioned in this paper, and they have usually been developed in isolation from theorizing about other social and political behavior, which is the case of most of these explanations.
Abstract: ONE OF THE MOST ENDURING and challenging tasks facing social scientists is the explanation of political behavior. In spite of prodigious research and considerable progress, we still know relatively little about such activity. Indicative of this state of affairs is the debate about what motivates the average voter. We have identified and measured numerous variables related to electoral behavior, but, however well established, these findings have not been integrated into a coherent set of explanatory propositions. Theories of voting are, generally speaking, rudimentary and fragmented. What is more, they have usually been developed in isolation from theorizing about other social and political behavior.
TL;DR: For instance, many Indians engage in political activity even when material personal benefits would not appear to be involved as discussed by the authors, and their reasons for doing so can only be guessed at, such as historical events, a sense of public service, obligations growing out of family traditions, and friends and neigh-
Abstract: T HE OPERATIONS OF GOVERNMENT and politics in the past century have opened new channels for mobility to the individual in Indian society. The political system has allowed and even encouraged citizens to direct many of their ambitions into "nonpolitical" activities. Yet, many of these spheres of activity are today either directly or indirectly affected by the actions of government. To prosper in business or agriculture, for example, requires regular contacts with government or with the agents of political partiessometimes to seek favors; sometimes to grant them. With government and politics playing a large role in the lives of individuals, it should not seem strange that many persons engage in political activity. Yet the precise nature of their motives remains unclear, for many seem to participate even when material personal benefits would not appear to be involved. Their motives for doing so can only be guessed at. Those I have interviewed on the subject of their participation in political life trace its sources variously to particular historical events, a sense of public service, obligations growing out of family traditions, and friends and neigh-
TL;DR: This paper argued that political scientists can obtain a considerably more comprehensive and satisfying explanation of human political phenomena by making some fundamental changes in: (1) the emphasis we place on the various problems we address; (2) the assumptions we make about the nature of man in politics; and (3) the procedures we employ to study political phenomena.
Abstract: THE THESIS OF THIS ARTICLE is that, as political scientists, we can obtain a considerably more comprehensive and satisfying explanation of human political phenomena by making some fundamental changes in: (1) the emphasis we place on the various problems we address; (2) the assumptions we make about the nature of man in politics; and (3) the procedures we employ to study political phenomena. In this introductory section, my basic arguments on these points are outlined. Subsequent sections contain expanded discussions and data relevant to the propositions advanced here.
TL;DR: The authors explored further its biasing effects on our presidential election system and found that the electoral college's role in influencing the outcome of the election has been an object of frequent and recurring controversy.
Abstract: THE RULES OF POLITICS, as its students and practitioners are well aware, are seldom neutral. Throughout our history, the electoral college, which largely constitutes the "rules of the game" for presidential elections has been an object of frequent and recurring controversy.1 A major task confronting political scientists and one which is relevant to the debate over the merits of the electoral college, is to explore further its biasing effects on our presidential election system. Who is helped by the electoral college? Who is hurt? Some research along these lines has already been done.2 Most
TL;DR: In this article, the authors define a "minority of participating actors" which plays a leading role in educational policy-making and which exercises influence in shaping policy outputs by virtue of its exceptional access to political information and positions.
Abstract: AGROWING BODY OF LITERATURE has developed around the study of elites. Political elites have been thought, variously, to possess such characteristics as power, wealth, deference, skill, and a monopoly of vital information. As used in this study, "political elite" will designate that "minority of participating actors" which plays a leading role in educational policy-making and which exercises influence in shaping policy outputs by virtue of its "exceptional access to political information and positions."' In short, the exercise of influence over public policy-making through formal and informal access points is employed here as the central criterion for defining local educational elites. Harold Lasswell was one of the first to stress the need for systematic study of political elites both to gain an understanding of the
TL;DR: Mezey and Prewitt as discussed by the authors extended Schlesinger's approach in "Ambition Theory and the Office of Congressman," Journal of Politics, 32 (August 1970), 563-579.
Abstract: 1 For the development of this approach, see Joseph A. Schlesinger, Ambition and Politics: Political Careers in the United States (Chicago: Rand McNally & Company, 1966) and Schlesinger's "Political Careers and Party Leadership," in Lewis J. Edinger, ed., Political Leadership in Industrialized Societies: Studies in Comparative Analysis (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1967), 266-293. Michael L. Mezey extends Schlesinger's approach in "Ambition Theory and the Office of Congressman," Journal of Politics, 32 (August 1970), 563-579. See also Kenneth Prewitt, The Recruitment of Political Leaders: A Study of Citizen-Politicians (Indianapolis and New York: Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1970), 175-203, and Prewitt and William G. Nowlin, "Political Ambitions and the Behavior of Incumbent Politicians," Western Political Quarterly, 22 (June 1969), 298-308.