Showing papers on "Emancipation published in 1972"

Diminutive States in the United Nations

Abstract: SINCE World War II, decolonisation has been so thorough that there now remain few dependent territories of any significant size. Nevertheless the momentum of colonial emancipation is far from spent: in the past few years a number of very small territories 1 have been granted independence, and more may be expected to attain it in the near future.2 In consequence, considerable interest has been shown recently in the eligibility of such territories for membership in the international community,3 and in that community's organised embodiment-the United Nations.4

The Emancipation of Man1

Abstract: A fundamental idea embraced today in Sweden is that one must aim for change which emancipates men as well as women from the restrictive effects engendered by the traditional sex-roles — culturally conditioned expectations on an individual on account of sex. Implications and consequences of changes which may evolve are considered and an example of taxation reform recently instituted in Sweden is presented.

Women in the Communist Revolution in Vietnam

Abstract: O ne of the great accomplishments claimed by the Lao Dong Party of Vietnam is the emancipation of women from oppressive feudal social structures and attitudes and the establishment of equality between the sexes. The publicity given to women's achievements in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV), the importance of posts held by women in the government and the presence of women among communist delegations abroad lend support to this claim. Additional evidence reveals that the Party indeed has implemented its egalitarian doctrine energetically, and an investigation of the changes wrought in women's role in Northern Vietnam may help determine the extent to which the Revolution has overturned traditional social relationships and implanted new values. It may be unduly simplistic, however, to ascribe these changes solely to the Lao Dong Party's ideology and rule, because the process of change was begun before the Party's founding and because the remarkable gains made by women in the last several years undeniably have been associated with mobilization for war. The prevailing image in the Party of sexual equality has not been perfectly stable or unchanging, suggesting equivocation among Party leaders and mutability in the interpretation and application of ideology in response to external circumstances or the Revolution's domestic unfolding.

The Options of Greek Men and Women

Abstract: "Liberation" is a better concept than "emancipation" for several reasons. First, a woman but not a man can be emancipated, while both men and women can be "liberated." Second, a woman was considered "emancipated" if she voted, smoked, drove a car, went out by herself, worked, etc. That is, the designation "emancipated" was given when a woman was behaving in a particular manner that showed independence and, to some degree, equality with men. A woman or a man is defined as "liberated" when she (or he) can in fact (and not only in theory, as it has been true in most societies up to now) choose what she (he) wants to be or how to behave from a range of options, all of which are equally socially acceptable. Liberation, then, means freedom from stereotypic sex-linked values and beliefs restricting the range of socially-acceptable options for men and women because some options are considered to be inappropriate for one or the other sex. Liberated men and women living in a liberated society have equal access to the range of options and may make any choice according to their particular inclinations, talents, wishes and idiosyncratic preferences (Safilios-Rothschild, 1970). A major goal, therefore, of emancipation was to give women as many privileges as men, while the major goal of liberation is the elimination of social, cultural and psychological barriers in the way of both men and women's realization and, therefore, benefit both men and women. While the rural Greek men and women still adhere to a considerable extent to the traditional, sex-determined stereotypes regulating the behavior of men and women, their urban counterparts have been able to surpass some of these stereotypic beliefs. A relatively higher degree of "liberation" can be observed in Athens where, according to the 1970 census, 29 per cent of the Greek population lives at present. This relative "liberation", however, is not uniform throughout all social classes and does not equally affect all life sectors. Upper middle and middle class Athenians can be expected to be more "liberated" than working and lower class Athenians who have recently come to Athens from rural areas and are still largely influenced by the traditional sex stereotypes. Also, Athenian men and women may be quite "liberated" in one life sec

A Bill of Rights for Alcoholic People

Abstract: Landmark events on behalf of oppressed and disadvantaged people are slow in coming and their importance may be unrecognized at the time of their occurrence. Pinel's striking of the chains from the mentally ill at Salpetriere Prison was likely unheralded as the dawn of a new era for the mentally ill. Similarly, the far-reaching implications of the Emancipation Proclamation on racial problems in the United States were probably not fully appreciated at the time of its inception. But times, tides, and communications change and the people and the medical profession of this country can witness the dawn of a new day for alcoholic people. A Bill of Rights was promulagated for them by the Commissioners on Uniform State Laws at their annual meeting this past August. This commission, made up of legal experts from each of the 50 states appointed by their respective governors, adopted the Uniform Alcoholism and Intoxication

The Issue of Parliamentary Suffrage at the Frankfurt National Assembly

Abstract: UNIVERSAL suffrage is a commonplace in today's political world. In modern Western states it seems self-explanatory that there sho ld be a general right to vote, or at least the pretense of such a right; and it is rather the exception to universal suffrage that requires explanation?at best as a quaint local peculiarity, at worst as a sign of pigheadedness or paranoia. In our era of bland populism, it is easy to forget the nineteenth century's passion over suffrage matters. But passion there was: from the sanscullottes ofthe 1790's to the suffragettes ofthe 1910's, no decade ofthe nineteenth century, no part ofthe Atlantic world was entirely free from this all-important question. In? deed suffrage issues erupted regularly whenever and wherever internal political tensions ran highest. Anti-Bourbon agitation in Restoration France, Chartist demands in England, Negro emancipation in the United States, demands for reform of Bismarckian Germany's Prussian heartland?these issues spanned the century, and they all contained at least some taint ofthe suffrage question. The European revolutions of184849 came roughly at the mid-point of this century-long suffrage debate, and these revolutions too raised in various ways the issue ofthe right to vote. And one ofthe most interesting discussions ofthe franchise ques? tion came in February and March of 1849, when Germany's abortive constitutional convention, the Frankfurt National Assembly, turned its attention to an Electoral Law for the lower house of the projected national representative body. The Electoral Law emerging from the Frankfurt debate called for universal manhood suffrage; but as several historians have remarked, this was a curiously democratic appendage to a constitution that was otherwise a compendium ofthe classic conceptions of early nineteenth-

The Elites and Underdevelopment in Africa: The Case of Ghana

Abstract: I would like to briefly analyze the nature, and performance, of the African elites during the colonial and post-colonial periods. These elites have failed to build the theoretical and philosophical foundations for viable economic development within the indigenous societies of Africa. These elites have also failed to actively participate in building institutions to achieve economic emancipation and national integrity. I will use the case of Ghana as an example.

Outline of Industrial Development, 1861–1913

Abstract: THE Emancipation of the Serfs in 1861 removed a considerable barrier to industrial growth. Baykov, however, has suggested that serfdom should not be regarded as the principal obstacle to Russian economic development. He stresses that enough peasants were free of servile status even before the Emancipation to provide a substantial industrial labour force. The presence of serf entrepreneurs and the development of freely hired obrok serfs may also warn us against exaggerating the restrictive elements of serfdom. Baykov emphasises rather the ‘real’ hindrances to Russian industrialisation: the vast distances and harsh climate, and the inaccessibility of much of Russia’s mineral wealth prior to the railway age.

The Beginnings of Industrialisation

Abstract: HOW far was Russia on the path to industrialisation at the time of Emancipation in 1861? The major developments, certainly, occurred after this time. It was only in the last two decades of the nineteenth century that a significant upturn in the pace of industrial growth becomes demonstrable, and it was in these years that much of Russia’s industrial base — in particular the coal and iron of the south and the petroleum of the Caucasus — was laid. Yet a number of Soviet specialists have stressed the importance of changes which took place in the industrial sector prior to 1861. They have applied the term ‘industrial revolution’ to the period between the mid-1830s and the Emancipation, while Yakovlev has even argued for an industrial revolution in the period 1790–1825.3 And Soviet historians in general are increasingly pointing to the eighteenth century as the origin of ‘capitalist manufacture’ in the country. Such an emphasis is a useful corrective to those accounts of Russian industrialisation which virtually ignore the earlier period, regarding the economy as ‘traditional’, and overlooking the significant developments which in fact took place. For during the years between the accession of Peter the Great (1682–1725) and the Emancipation, numerous changes had occurred in Russia’s industrial structure, changes the more impressive in that they occurred within the institutional framework of a serf society.