Showing papers on "Love marriage published in 2013"

In the Name of Love: Marriage Migration, Governmentality, and Technologies of Love

Abstract: The past 10 years have seen an increase in legislation pertaining to marriage migration in Europe. Such attention betrays various concerns and anxieties that intersect not only with issues of risk management, rights, and citizenship, but also with less tangible dimensions such as emotions, which become embedded in legal as well as in surveillance practices. Emotions such as love are integral to the institutions, procedures, analyses and reflections, calculation, and tactics that Foucault identified as part of governmental processes; the latter should not necessarily be equated with (and limited to) rationalized technocratic processes detached from emotional components. Technologies of love are central to the governmentality of marriage migration; as modes of subjectification and governing practice, they connect intimacy with citizenship. More than the manifestation of the rationalization of a specific emotion, technologies of love allow for an exploration of what an engagement with emotions such as love does to governmentality. Illustrations of the “attachment requirement” in Denmark, and the case of “Catgate” in Great Britain, show that technologies of love play a significant role in stirring and disciplining specific migration flows (what kind of marriage migrants the state welcomes or keeps at bay), but also in challenging, even if inadvertently, those policies and practices designed to gauge “true” relationships.

Love, marriage, then the baby carriage? Marriage timing and childbearing in Sweden

Abstract: Background: Some scholars claim that marriage is an outmoded institution, decoupled from the childbearing process in Sweden. However, it is likely that the presence of children is still linked to marriage, since most children born to cohabiting couples experience the marriage of their parents. The temporal ordering of childbearing and marriage may be informative as to the meaning of marriage. Objective: I develop a typology of marriage, structured around four possible meanings of marriage as a Family Forming, Legitimizing, Reinforcing and Capstone institution. Methods: I analyze administrative register data covering all Swedish women born between 1950 and 1977, who have lived continuously in Sweden and were never married and childless at age 18 (N = 1,396,305). I tabulate the incidence and type of all first marriages by age and educational attainment. Results: Family Forming marriage (prior to a first conception) is the dominate first marriage type across all cohorts. The share of Legitimizing marriages (post-conception or within 12 months of a first birth) has declined across cohorts. There is an emerging trend toward Capstone marriage (after the birth of two or more children). There is an educational gradient in the experience and type of first marriage. Tertiary-educated women more frequently marry prior to a first birth (Family Forming or Legitimizing marriage). While fewer less-educated women marry, there is greater diversity in the timing of their marriages relative to childbearing. Conclusions: Results demonstrate a continued link between childbearing and marriage, although the ordering of these events may be changing for some subpopulations.

Exploring the Myth of Mixed Marriages in India: Evidence from a Nation-wide Survey

Abstract: INTRODUCTIONInter-marriages have attracted considerable research attention all over the world since the beginning of the twentieth century. Social scientists have shown keen interest in the study of different forms of inter-marriages. From time immemorial, men and women of different nationalities, race and religion inter-married and lived together (Burma, 1963; Aldridge, 1973; Becker, 1973; Institute for Palestine Studies, 1972). Love marriage couples have historically come to inhabit a social space of powerful moral ambivalence (Mody, 2002). Mixed marriages, which are more frequent these days, are often being considered as one of the most conclusive and objective indicators of degree of assimilation in a multi-racial and a multi-religious society (Coleman, 1994).The marriage system in India is based primarily on the social system and stratification (Sastri, 1918; Rao, 1982; Saroja, 1999; Netting, 2010; Desai and Andrist, 2011). For hundreds of years, the Indian society has been stratified mainly on the basis of caste. The lower castes are not only socially deprived but also economically discriminated. Efforts by various social reformers and organizations to free India from the clutches of the caste system, untouchability and racial discrimination have had limited impact. When we discuss Indian marriages with a shade of inter-caste union, it sounds like a taboo to the majority evento this day (Corwin, 1977; Malhotra and Tri vedi, 1977; Saroja, 1999).Similarly, marriage across the religious and economic groups is not a common custom in India. Another important practice of Hindus is endogamous marriage among blood relatives. However, this varies widely for North and South Indian states. In North India, marriage among close blood relatives is virtually prohibited. In contrast, marriage among the blood relatives is a common practice in South India. The attributes of marriage such as Tcin marriage', Village endogamy' and the difference in the age of spouses, continue to be influenced by region and gender systems' (Jejeebhoy and Halli, 2006; Sekher, 2012).Despite the enormous significance of this nineteenth-century debate, India fostered the importance of civil marriage legislation in a country with contradictory and conflicting 'personal laws' (Mody, 2002). Though India has legalised inter-caste mariages for more than fifty years, new intermarried are still threatened with violence, often by their own families and villagejeaders. During the past few years, more than 1000 Honor Killings2 were reported from various states, in which young men and women, who got married against the wishes of their families, became victims (Joanne, 2008). The recent rise in such violence supports the perspective that the younger generation (especially females) are slowly gaining individual freedom in marriage. However, the older generation still insist on the old ways where marriage is a status symbol and not a bond of emotional love (Uberoi, 2006; Chowdhry, 2007). As a part of an encouraging incentive for inter-caste marriage promotion, the government recently began offering $1,000 (that is equivalant to a year's salary for a vast majority of Indians) to inter-caste couple. Starting from 2006, smaller cash payments were initiated after the Supreme Court gave a ruling in which the judges termed the high-profile honor killings as acts of "barbarism" and labeled caste system as a curse on the nation (Joanne, 2008). In 2010, the Supreme Court of India also asked the central and state governments to take more preventive measures against honour killings (Helfer, 2011).With the increasing urbanization, education and employment of women in modern occupations and the emerging middle class have had a strong influence in paving the way for more inter-caste marriages. With the increasing influence of modernization and western education in India there has been a visible change in the traditional marriage practices. Socio-economic development and globalisation of the Indian economy has also contributed to the changing trends in the marriage patterns. …

Negotiating Marriage and Schooling Nepalese Women’s Transition to Adulthood

Abstract: This article investigates ways that young Nepalese women combine family and student roles when transitioning to adulthood. Findings show both women’s and their parents’ education is positively associated with the young women’s school enrollment after marriage. Furthermore, the effect of education on postmarriage schooling is dependent on type of marriage: for lower-educated women, those in an arranged marriage are more likely to continue education than those in a love marriage. However, for better-educated women, those in a love marriage are more likely to continue schooling than those in an arranged marriage. The more educated ones who balance personal autonomy and obedience to cultural authorities win parental support in both their marriage formation and personal development. Unlike the increasingly elongated, sequential transition to adulthood in the Western context, young Nepalese women experience an intense transition to adulthood as they take on family and student roles simultaneously with practical...

The transitional phase of mate selection in East Asian countries

Abstract: This study challenges the orthodox concept of mate selection. Existing research presupposes the binary conceptualization of ‘arranged marriage versus love marriage,’ which is too limited in scope t...

Freedom vis a vis Independence: An Overview in Light of Feminism, Women's Development and Empowerment

Abstract: Educational development and participation in the workforce are prime factors in the changing situations of women in society. The movement towards equality and justice for women is gradually captivating Indian society as a human development indicator. To examine the views of women on independence vis-a-vis freedom as instruments to achieve equality and justice, 50 girls age between 16 to 26 years were selected purposively adopting a stratified simple random sampling. They were from different socio-economic background living in both rural and urban areas. They were studying in different levels from high school to university. The study has explored their views on their freedom and independence in respect to their romantic relation, marriage, marriage partner and marital relation, family relation, mothering and economic relation. The findings show that the majority of these girls were against male domination but still seek the attachment to males as essential in their lives. They fostered their need for freedom variously in their daily lives without interference of others (especially males). In this connection they would prefer romantic relations and premarital sex. They would settle their conjugal relations through love marriage and its' stability would depend on liberty and respect of their counterpart. In their opinion their family would be micro-nuclear and they would be the sole decision-makers. They would bear single child and the child would be reared up jointly by them. But they would not allow breast feeding to maintain their physique and beauty. They argued that they would play dual roles of home maker and wage earner for their self dependence in terms of finance. So, they were cultivating their mindset for freedom in certain affairs of their life and it was the prime hindrance of their equity and justice. Keywords: women equality and justice, sex role, male's dependency, family relation. Introduction The words 'Freedom' and 'Independence' are synonymous in terms of literary meaning. But 'freedom' suggests a demand from a particular thing as someone needs to be free to sleep, to take food, to move freely. But 'independence' is an expression of liberation as in free to act according to his/her own will within the framework of the societal norms and regulations. Traditionally, gender bias in stratified and multilayered societies (Ghadially, R, 1988) is a determining factor of progress of the society. Gender identity is attached to an individual's phenomenological sense of being masculine or feminine in roles, preferences, interests, attitudes and behaviours (Furman, W, B. Bradford Brown & Candice Feiring, 1999). Gender identity is interchangeable with gender roles (Furman, W, B. Bradford Brown & Candice Feiring, 1999). In the case of women the stereotype of feminine character has been loaded with the duties of household activities, procreation of children, and care and attention to the family members and their interests. (Sander, V& Lucy, D. (ed.), 2010). Women's lives tend to be private and domestic in India explicitly while the lives of men are public, social and political. From childhood boys enter into a group based on universal membership, while girls continue to participate in a particular gender role. Male personalities are in an "allocentric" milieu and female personalities are in an "autocentric" milieu. Gender role training makes boys into children while girls remain "little women" (Chodorow, 1989). So, they are groomed for marriage, for reproduction and nurturance of human species for their economic survival and social acceptance. It is involved the traditional demeaning of women- results in stereotyping and the denial of recognitions (Agosin, M, 2003). This difference is the cause of male domination in the patriarchal society as females are deprived of pursuing personal interests in favour of stereotypical women's duties. And they have often found security in- maintaining customs and tradition, thus institutionalizing the discrimination against them through education and socialization of children. …

Love-marriage and kin-support in India: Ten women's experiences of negative sanctions for entering into a love-marriage.

Abstract: The purpose of this study was to examine ten women's experiences of negative sanctions for entering into a love-marriage, especially the negative sanction of reduced kin-support, and in which way this can be perceived to be of significance when it comes to women's capability to manage the challenges experienced in married life. This has been done by applying a qualitative research strategy and conducting semi-structured interviews with ten women living in one slum area of Bangalore. What I have come to notice is that love-marriage challenge the marital norm of arranged marriage, and is therefore target of negative sanctions, one of which I found is reduced kin-support or social exclusion. From the theoretical perspective of welfare regimes, India can be categorized as a failing 'informal security regime' which indicates that the family and the community are the main providers of socio-economical security. I found that entering into a love-marriage endangers the entitlement to receive security from the family in various degrees. Thus the open labor market or state will not provide sufficient security; the experience of losing entitlement to kin-support points at a more vulnerable situation when encountering difficulties in managing marital conflicts and financial insecurity. My findings indicate that entering into a love-marriage in this context, may aggravate the women’s marital life due to reduced or no kin-support, which is of significance when living as a poor woman in the slum of Bangalore.

Marriage and Schooling: Nepalese Women's Transition to Adulthood

Abstract: This article investigates ways that young Nepalese women combine family and student roles when transitioning to adulthood. Findings show both women’s and their parents’ education is positively associated with the young women’s school enrollment after marriage. Furthermore, the effect of education on postmarriage schooling is dependent on type of marriage: for lowereducated women, those in an arranged marriage are more likely to continue education than those in a love marriage. However, for better-educated women, those in a love marriage are more likely to continue schooling than those in an arranged marriage. The more educated ones who balance personal autonomy and obedience to cultural authorities win parental support in both their marriage formation and personal development. Unlike the increasingly elongated, sequential transition to adulthood in the Western context, young Nepalese women experience an intense transition to adulthood as they take on family and student roles simultaneously with practical familial support.