accademiche [38]. Ada [45]. Adrian [45]. African [56]. Age [39, 49, 61]. Al [23]. Al-Rawi [23]. Aldous [68]. Alex [15]. Allure [46]. America [60, 66]. American [49, 69, 61, 52]. ancienne [25]. Andreas [28]. Angela [42]. Animals [16]. Ann [26]. Anna [19, 47]. Annotated [46]. Annotations [28]. Anti [37]. Anti-Copernican [37]. Antibiotic [64]. Anxiety [51]. Apocalyptic [61]. Archaeology [26]. Ark [36]. Artisan [32]. Asylum [48]. Atri [54]. Audra [65]. Australia [41]. Authorship [15]. Axelle [29].

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A Complete Bibliography of Publications in Isis, 2000{2009

The Industrious Revolution by Jan de Vries

The Industrious Revolution: List of Figures

In \"The Company We Keep\", Wayne C. Booth argues for the relocation of ethics to the center of our engagement with literature. But the questions he asks are not confined to morality. Returning ethics to its root sense, Booth proposes that the ethical critic will be interested in any effect on the ethos, the total character or quality of tellers and listeners. Ethical criticism will risk talking about the quality of this particular encounter with this particular work. Yet it will give up the old hope for definitive judgments of 'good' work and 'bad'. Rather it will be a conversation about many kinds of personal and social goods that fictions can serve or destroy. While not ignoring the consequences for conduct of engaging with powerful stories, it will attend to that more immediate topic, What happens to us as we read? Who am I, during the hours of reading or listening? What is the quality of the life I lead in the company of these would-be friends? Through a wide variety of periods and genres and scores of particular works, Booth pursues various metaphors for such engagements: 'friendship with books', 'the exchange of gifts', 'the colonizing of worlds', 'the constitution of commonwealths'. He concludes with extended explorations of the ethical powers and potential dangers of works by Rabelais, D. H. Lawrence, Jane Austen, and Mark Twain.

The Company We Keep: An Ethics of Fiction

Youth are an increasingly compelling subject for study in Africa, entering into political space in highly complex ways. To pay attention to youth is to pay close attention to the topology of the social landscape-to power and agency; public, national, and domestic spaces and identities, and their articulation and disjunctures; memory, history, and sense of change; globalization and governance; gender and class. In this introduction to the articles in Part I (this issue) and Part 2 (October issue), I draw attention to how youth is constructed as a problematic category and how it acts as a "social shifter" engaging the social imagination, to how youth contributes to generational debates and constructions, and to how consideration of youth challenges our thinking about agency. [youth, Africa, generations, agency] Recently, Jean and John Comaroff wrote about South Africa that "the dominant line of cleavage here has become generation" (1999: 284) and that youth in particular are the focus of rapid shifts in postcolonial and global economy and society. In the "occult economies" of the region the potency and potential of youth are extracted to sustain the power of those in authority while young people themselves feel increasingly unable to attain the promises of the new economy and society. Across the continent, in Niger in May 2000, a similar sense of a crisis of promise and frustration prompted secondary-school students to riot, burning tires and barricading streets, protesting a shortened school year and the prospect of failing exams.' This was only the latest in a series of youth demonstrations and riots that date back to the pro-democracy struggles in Francophone Africa in the late 1980s and early 1990s and widely reported in issues of Jeune Afrique Economie. The June 2000 issue of Scientific American features a story "Children of the Gun" (Boothby and Knudson 2000). Its lead picture depicts young boys in Congo/ Zaire, dressed in khakis and crowned with circlets of leaves from the bush, signs of uncontained power and the undomesticated wild, automatic weapons hanging from their backs-images seen all too often in media representations from across Africa of late. Caught up in these reports are cross-cutting images of youth as victims of circumstance and the manipulations of older people in power, and also images of youth as unruly, destructive, and dangerous forces needing containment. Traversing these notions, youth enter political space as saboteurs; their potential for political sabotage2 comes from their incomplete subjugation to contexts and co-opters, and to their own power for action, response, and subversion in contexts of political definition. To argue, as the Comaroffs do, that youth are the focus of a generational cleavage, to examine their potential for social and political sabotage, and to understand them neither as autonomous liberal actors nor as overdetermined victims, we need to examine very carefully three sets of questions. One is the persistent puzzle in anthropology, and indeed in many of the societies these articles examine: what, or who, is youth? For beyond the important observation that different societies do define and demarcate youth differently, even within a society people of a wide range of ages are often treated as youth, and people of a wide range of ages claim the space of youth, at specific times and in specific places. As we ask these questions, we also need to examine very closely the related notion of generations, used by the Comaroffs and others to speak to rapid shifts in experience that create age-conscious cohorts. In sociological understandings the concept of generations links the more static structural idea of agegrades with history and processes that go beyond mechanical life-courses and social reproduction. The concept of generations also speaks to the disciplinary, hegemonic, and counter-hegemonic processes through which social categories (like "youth") are presented as homogeneous (see Mannheim 1952; Wohl 1979), absorbing and erasing all sorts of differences. …

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Youth and the Social Imagination in Africa: Introduction to Parts 1 and 2

In England in the seventeenth century, childbirth was the province of women. The midwife ran the birth, helped by female gossips; men, including the doctors of the day, were excluded both from the delivery and from the subsequent month of lying-in.But in the eighteenth century there emerged a new practitioner: the man-midwife who acted in lieu of a midwife and delivered normal births. By the late eighteenth century, men-midwives had achieved a permanent place in the management of childbirth, especially in the most lucrative spheres of practice.Why did women desert the traditional midwife? How was it that a domain of female control and collective solidarity became instead a region of male medical practice? What had broken down the barrier that had formerly excluded the male practitioner from the management of birth?This confident and authoritative work explores and explains a remarkable transformation--a shift not just in medical practices but in gender relations. Exploring the sociocultural dimensions of childbirth, Wilson argues with great skill that it was not the desires of medical men but the choices of mothers that summoned man-midwifery into being.

The Making of Man-Midwifery: Childbirth in England, 1660-1770

Few works have exerted a greater influence upon British and American social historians than Philippe Aries's L'Enfant et la vie familiale sous l'ancien regime. "Sensitive and encompassing,"2 of "undisputed" importance,3 "erudite, imaginative, and inventive," this book has, in Lawrence Stone's words, "had a dazzling success" and has been for more than a decade "the primum mobile of the study of family history."4 Known mainly in its English translation, Centuries of Childhood, which appeared within two years of the French original, Aries's work has even received the enthusiastic attention of a feminist and the qualified praise of a leading historical demographer.5 While Aries himself has moved on to explore the themes of contraception and attitudes to death, Centuries of Childhood continues to appear at the head of undergraduate reading-lists, seemingly assured of a commanding place in the historiography of the family.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/2504795.pdf

The Infancy of the History of Childhood: An Appraisal of Philippe Aries

INTRODUCTION

It is, I believe, uncontentious to suggest that concepts of disease — both in general and with respect to particular ailments — have changed and developed historically in the long history of the Western medical tradition. And it is obvious, too, that diseases (taking that term in its widest sense, to embrace illnesses at large) were-and-are precisely the distinctive concern of medicine. On principle, therefore, we might expect that the history of disease-concepts plays a central part in the historiography of medicine, just as the histories of celestial, physical and vital concepts do in the historiographies of the respective natural sciences; yet paradoxically, this is far indeed from being the case. That strand of medical history which focuses on medicine’s cognitive content has devoted far more attention to anatomical and physiological knowledge than to pathology; the history of medical practice is often written without reference to the disease-categories by which past practitioners apprehended the illnesses of their patients; and as we shall see, histories of actual diseases have tended to treat their objects as timeless entities, thereby blocking off the very possibility of considering disease-concepts historically.
This paper proposes that the history of disease-concepts deserves far more attention than it has traditionally been accorded, not least because this theme is relevant to the full range of medical history’s existing concerns, from anatomy to medical practice. I shall proceed in three stages. Part 1 sketches the historiographic state of play with regard to disease-concepts. Part 2, which makes up the bulk of the paper, seeks to illustrate the possibility of treating such concepts historically by means of an example, namely the disease of “pleuritis” or “pleurisy”; I shall trace the shifting meanings of this term first amongst the ancients and then, on a very selective basis, in the early-modern period. Finally Part 3 will meditate briefly on the results of this case-study, returning to the general historiographic theme and suggesting some points of wider application.

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On the history of disease-concepts: the case of pleurisy.

Dieser Beitrag untersucht die Herkunft der Londoner Findelkinder im Zeitraum 1749–60. Auf der Grundlage der Aktenbestande des ‘Foundling Hospital’, erganzt durch Material der wochentlichen ‘Bills of Mortality’ wird nachgewiesen, das die Findelkinder tatsachlich uneheliche Kinder waren, wie bereits von den Zeitgenossen vermutet. Dagegen waren der Verlust der Eltern oder deren materielle Verarmung kein Grund dafur, das Kinder ins ‘Hospital’ geschickt wurden. Es zeigt sich, das das Illegitimitatsniveau Londons uber dem nationalen Durchschnitt lag – ganz im Gegensatz zur Situation um die Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts. Daruber hinaus wurde die Zahl unehelicher Kinder (abzulesen an der Zahl der Findelkinder) stark von okonomischen Bedingungen (gemessen am Brotpreis) beeinflust. Die zeitlich verzogerte Bewegung beider Faktoren legt fur London ein spezifisches Verhaltensmodell der Brautwerbung nahe, demzufolge die Heirat als durch das ‘Hofmachen’ bestimmt erscheint, wahrend umgekehrt dem landlichen Modell eine Form der Brautwerbung entspricht, die von der nachfolgenden Heirat bestimmt ist. Eine Bestatigung dieses Modells ergibt sich aus der Untersuchung des Einflusses der Preisentwicklung auf die in London geschlossenen Ehen. Anschliesend wird das Modell im Zusammenhang mit den im 18. Jahrhundert auf dem Lande zu beobachtenden Veraanderungen des Hofierens, der Heirat, der vorehelichen Schwangerschaft und der unehelichen Geburten diskutiert. Daraus ergibt sich die These, das London als Schnittmacher gesamtgesellschaftlicher Veranderungen in den Verhaltensmustern der Brautwerbung angesehen werden kann.

https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/S0268416000003611

Adrian Wilson

Papers

The Making of Man-Midwifery: Childbirth in England, 1660-1770

The Infancy of the History of Childhood: An Appraisal of Philippe Aries

The Making of Man-Midwifery: Childbirth in England, 1660-1770

On the history of disease-concepts: the case of pleurisy.

Illegitimacy and its implications in mid-eighteenth-century London: the evidence of the Foundling Hospital