Series Editor's Preface. Introduction by John Breuilly. Acknowledgements. 1. Definitions. State and nation. The nation. 2. Culture in Agrarian Society. Power and culture in the agro-literature society. The varieties of agrarian rulers. 3. Industrial Society. The society of perpetual growth. Social genetics. The age of universal high culture. 4. The Transition to an Age of Nationalism. A note on the weakness of nationalism. Wild and garden culture. 5. What is a Nation. The course of true nationalism never did run smooth. 6. Social Entropy and Equality in Industrial Society. Obstacles to entropy. Fissures and barriers. A diversity of focus. 7. A Typology of Nationalisms. The varieties of nationalist experience. Diaspora nationalism. 8. The Future of Nationalism. Industrial culture - one or many?. 9. Nationalism and Ideology. Who is for Nuremberg?. One nation, one state. 10. Conclusion. What is not being said. Summary. Select bibliography. Bilbliography of Ernest Gellner's writing: Ian Jarvie. Index

Nations and Nationalism

It comes as something ofa surprise to reflect that the New York Review ofBooks is now over twenty years old. Even people of my generation (that is, old enough to remember the revolutionary 196os but not young enough to have taken a very exciting part in them) think of the paper as eternally youthful. In fact, it has gone through years of relatively quiet life, yet, as always in a competitive journalistic market, it is the controversies that attract the interest of the reader and to which the history (especially an admittedly impressionistic survey that tries to include something of the intellectual context in which a journal has operated) must give some attention. Not all the attacks which the New York Review has attracted, both early in its career and more recently, are worth more than a brief summary. What do we now make, for example, of Richard Kostelanetz's forthright accusation that 'The New York Review was from its origins destined to publicize Random House's (and especially [Jason] Epstein's) books and writers'?1 Well, simply that, even if the statistics bear out the charge (and Kostelanetz provides some suggestive evidence to support it, at least with respect to some early issues), there is nothing surprising in a market economy about a publisher trying to push his books through the pages of a journal edited by his friends. True, the New York Review has not had room to review more than around fifteen books in each issue and there could be a bias in the selection of

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The New York Review of Books

1.. HARD CASES 5. Legal Rights A. Legislation . . . We might therefore do well to consider how a philosophical judge might develop, in appropriate cases, theories of what legislative purpose and legal principles require. We shall find that he would construct these theories in the same manner as a philosophical referee would construct the character of a game. I have invented, for this purpose, a lawyer of superhuman skill, learning, patience and acumen, whom I shall call Hercules. I suppose that Hercules is a judge in some representative American jurisdiction. I assume that he accepts the main uncontroversial constitutive and regulative rules of the law in his jurisdiction. He accepts, that is, that statutes have the general power to create and extinguish legal rights, and that judges have the general duty to follow earlier decisions of their court or higher courts whose rationale, as l

Taking Rights Seriously

政治自由主义 = Political liberalism

Benedict Anderson’s deservedly famous thesis about the origins and nature
of modern nationalism turns around the central notion of an “imagined
community.” This category provides him with a matrix out of which one
can apprehend-theoretically and historically-the different variants of nationalist discourse formulated over the last two hundred years. We will refer,
in the brief comments that follow, to three basic dimensions structuring
the fabric of Anderson’s argument: 1) the presuppositions implicit in the
notion of an “imagined” community; 2) the kind of substitutability or solidarity which is required to be a member of such a community; 3) the kind
of relationship that is established between such a community-which is by
definition finite or limited-and its outside. Before that, however, let us
describe the main features of Anderson’s thesis.

On Imagined Communities

L'A. developpe une reflexion normative sur la politique linguistique et les problemes multiculturalistes qu'elle engendre, concernant la reconnaissance publique et l'autonomie linguistique individuelle, en particulier. Face au pluralisme linguistique aux Etats-Unis, l'A. distingue trois approches de la reconnaissance de la langue: le multilinguisme officiel, la rationalisation et le maintien de la langue.

Political Theory and Language Policy

It would be rather unusual for someone to argue publicly that the world's rich have no obligations at all with respect to the global poor. Many, however, claim that the obligations of the affluent countries are both fairly weak and minimal. This claim is typically arrived at via two premises: one is normative, the other factual. The normative premise asserts that while we are under a strict obligation not to harm others, the obligation to benefit people who we have not harmed is rather weak (and is, for instance, best left to private charitable efforts rather than government action or institutional reform). The factual premise is that the affluent are not, individually or collectively, harming the world's poor by causing their poverty (p. 12). Following Thomas Pogge, I will sometimes refer to this view simply as “libertarianism.” According to a second view, which I shall call the “need-based” view, we have a very strong and extensive set of duties to come to the assistance of the global poor: duties that are grounded in the neediness of the poor. In its most pure form, this view rejects altogether the ethical significance of the distinction between harming and failing to help. On a morally demanding version of the need-based view we have duties of assistance to anyone who is worse off than us, not merely those who are severely in need.

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Should We Stop Thinking about Poverty in Terms of Helping the Poor

De meest succesvolle en invloedrijke theorie over minderheidsrechten is tot op vandaag die van Will Kymlicka. De basis daarvoor legde hij in de jaren negentig van de vorige eeuw. Hoewel de theorie vaak onder vuur is genomen vanuit ver‐ schillende hoeken, blijft ze tot op vandaag in grote mate overeind. Ook Equal Recognition verandert daar eigenlijk niets aan, al is het wel zo dat Alan Patten met dit boek de meest gesofisticeerde filosofische verdediging biedt van minderheids‐ rechten vanuit een liberaal cultureel standpunt sinds de eerste publicaties daar‐ over door Kymlicka. De studie van Patten is een ‘herformulering van de ethische basisprincipes van liberaal culturalisme’ (p. 5).

Equal Recognition: The Moral Foundations of Minority Rights

Political theory in the last decade has been awash with discussions of cultural diversity and ethnic, racial, and religious pluralism, with books exploring ‘the ethos of pluralization’, ‘strange multiplicity’, and ‘the politics of recognition’. Yet there is one form of diversity which has received relatively little attention from political theorists: linguistic diversity. To our knowledge, there has not been a single monograph or edited volume which examines the issue of language rights from the perspective of normative political theory. This is a striking gap when compared with the many important volumes by political theorists dedicated to issues of race (Mills 1997; Cochran 1999; Gutmann and Appiah 1996), indigenous people (Ivison, Sanders, and Patton 2000; Poole and Kukathas 2000; Tully 1995), immigration (Bauböck 1995; Cole 2000; Bader 1997; Rubio-Marín 2000), nationalism (Tamir 1993; Canovan 1996; Miller 1995; 2000; Miscevic 2000; Moore 2001); and religion (Audi 2000; Rosenblum 2000; SpinnerHalev 2000). In each of these areas, there is a vibrant debate amongst political theorists about how rights claims relating to these forms of diversity connect with liberal-democratic principles of freedom, justice, and democracy. There are welldeveloped ‘liberal theories of immigration’ or ‘liberal theories of nationalism’, for example, as well as criticisms of such theories by communitarians, feminists, civic republicans, postmodernists, and others.1 By contrast, one would be hard-pressed to know where to look to find an articulation of a normative theory of language rights, whether liberal, communitarian, post-colonial, or otherwise. Fortunately, this surprising gap is now being remedied. The past few years have witnessed the publication of several articles and chapters on the implications of normative principles of freedom and equality for language policy (for example, Van Parijs 2000a; 2002; Carens 2000: 77–87; Bauböck 2001;

Introduction: Language rights and political theory: Context, issues, and approaches

1. Introduction: Perspectives on Hegel's Idea of Freedom 2. Freedom as Rational Self-Determination 3. The Reciprocity Thesis in Kant and Hegel 4. Hegel and Social Contract Theory 5. Hegel's Justification of Private Property 6. A Civic Humanist Idea of Freedom Conclusion Bibliography Index

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Alan Patten

Papers

Political Theory and Language Policy

Should We Stop Thinking about Poverty in Terms of Helping the Poor

Equal Recognition: The Moral Foundations of Minority Rights

Introduction: Language rights and political theory: Context, issues, and approaches

Hegel's Idea of Freedom