Examines whether the positive association between social support and well-being is attributable more to an overall beneficial effect of support (main- or direct-effect model) or to a process of support protecting persons from potentially adverse effects of stressful events (buffering model). The review of studies is organized according to (1) whether a measure assesses support structure (the existence of relationships) or function (the extent to which one's interpersonal relationships provide particular resources) and (2) the degree of specificity (vs globality) of the scale. Special attention is given to methodological characteristics that are requisite for a fair comparison of the models. It is concluded that there is evidence consistent with both models. Evidence for the buffering model is found when the social support measure assesses the perceived availability of interpersonal resources that are responsive to the needs elicited by stressful events. Evidence for a main effect model is found when the support measure assesses a person's degree of integration in a large social network. Both conceptualizations of social support are correct in some respects, but each represents a different process through which social support may affect well-being. Implications for theories of social support processes and for the design of preventive interventions are discussed.

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Stress, social support, and the buffering hypothesis.

Major perspectives concerning stress are presented with the goal of clarifying the nature of what has proved to be a heuristic but vague construct. Current conceptualizations of stress are challenged as being too phenomenological and ambiguous, and consequently, not given to direct empirical testing. Indeed, it is argued that researchers have tended to avoid the problem of defining stress, choosing to study stress without reference to a clear framework. A new stress model called the model of conservation of resources is presented as an alternative. This resource-oriented model is based on the supposition that people strive to retain, project, and build resources and that what is threatening to them is the potential or actual loss of these valued resources. Implications of the model of conservation of resources for new research directions are discussed.

Conservation of resources. A new attempt at conceptualizing stress.

Over 60 years ago, Selye1 recognized the paradox that the physiologic systems activated by stress can not only protect and restore but also damage the body. What links these seemingly contradictory roles? How does stress influence the pathogenesis of disease, and what accounts for the variation in vulnerability to stress-related diseases among people with similar life experiences? How can stress-induced damage be quantified? These and many other questions still challenge investigators. This article reviews the long-term effect of the physiologic response to stress, which I refer to as allostatic load.2 Allostasis — the ability to achieve stability through change3 — . . .

/pdf/protective-and-damaging-effects-of-stress-mediators-34e0m747fy.pdf

Protective and Damaging Effects of Stress Mediators

Conservation of Resources (COR) theory predicts that resource loss is the principal ingredient in the stress process. Resource gain, in turn, is depicted as of increasing importance in the context of loss. Because resources are also used to prevent resource loss, at each stage of the stress process people are increasingly vulnerable to negative stress sequelae, that if ongoing result in rapid and impactful loss spirals. COR theory is seen as an alternative to appraisal-based stress theories because it relies more centrally on the objective and culturally construed nature of the environment in determining the stress process, rather than the individual’s personal construel. COR theory has been successfully employed in predicting a range of stress outcomes in organisational settings, health contexts, following traumatic stress, and in the face of everyday stressors. Recent advances in understanding the biological, cognitive, and social bases of stress responding are seen as consistent with the original formulation of COR theory, but call for envisioning of COR theory and the stress process within a more collectivist backdrop than was first posited. The role of both resource losses and gains in predicting positive stress outcomes is also considered. Finally, the limitations and applications of COR theory are discussed.

The Influence of Culture, Community, and the Nested-Self in the Stress Process: Advancing Conservation of Resources Theory

The authors review evidence that self-control may consume a limited resource. Exerting self-control may consume self-control strength, reducing the amount of strength available for subsequent self-control efforts. Coping with stress, regulating negative affect, and resisting temptations require self-control, and after such self-control efforts, subsequent attempts at self-control are more likely to fail. Continuous self-control efforts, such as vigilance, also degrade over time. These decrements in self-control are probably not due to negative moods or learned helplessness produced by the initial self-control attempt. These decrements appear to be specific to behaviors that involve self-control; behaviors that do not require self-control neither consume nor require self-control strength. It is concluded that the executive component of the self--in particular, inhibition--relies on a limited, consumable resource.

https://psycnet.apa.org/journals/bul/126/2/247.pdf

Self-regulation and depletion of limited resources: does self-control resemble a muscle?

Discusses the nature of stress in the context of problems with its definition and sources of confusion regarding its usefulness and specificity. Stress can be defined as a negative emotional experience accompanied by predictable biochemical, physiological, and behavioral changes that are directed toward adaptation either by manipulating the situation to alter the stressor or by accommodating its effects. Chronic stress is more complex than most definitions suggest and is clearly not limited to situations in which stressors persist for long periods of time. Responses may habituate before a stressor disappears or may persist long beyond the physical presence of the stressor. This latter case, in which chronic stress and associated biobehavioral changes outlast their original cause, is considered in light of research at Three Mile Island and among Vietnam veterans. The role of intrusive images of the stressor or uncontrollable thoughts about it in maintaining stress is explored.

Stress, intrusive imagery, and chronic distress.

It has been assumed that it is beneficial for patients to become active and informed participants in health care. Previous research, however, suggests that individuals differ in their receptiveness to information and self-care in treatment stiuations. This article reports the development and validation of the Krantz Health Opinion Survey, a measure of preferences for different treatment approaches. This measure yields a total score and two relatively independent subscales that measure, respectively, preferences for information and for behavioral involvement (i.e., self-care and active participation) in medical care. Three related studies demonstrated the ability of the subscales or total score to predict with some specificity (a) criterion group membership (clinic users and enrollees in a self-care course), (b) reported use of clinic facilities, and (c) overt behavior (e.g., inquisitiveness, self-diagnosis) in a medical setting. Discriminant validity of the instrument is also established. Theoretical implications of the preference constructs are described in terms of the concept of personal control, and practical implications of the measure are presented.

Assessment of preferences for self-treatment and information in health care.

Emotional, behavioral, and physiological effects of chronic stress at Three Mile Island.

This paper presents an overview of the literature on stress and the environment using a basic attitude change paradigm. The stress literature is organized around characteristics of source, transmission, and audience variables. Prominent models of stress are reviewed, along with classifications of stressors themselves. The appraisal of stressors is considered as a transmission variable, affected by such factors as attitudes towards the stressor, perception of risk and danger, and perceived control. Research on dispositional variables is also reviewed and the stress response is discussed.

Stress and the Environment

Amidst confusion about the nature and usefulness of the stress construct and distinctions between acute and chronic stress, research has begun to identify mechanisms by which stress affects health and by which stress can persist beyond the physical presence of the stressor. In addition, research has begun to identify reasons for selective vulnerability to chronic stress. One of the possible reasons for chronic stress following traumatic events is the disorganizing effect of loss of control and violation of expectations for regulating aspects of one's life normally under control. Data from a longitudinal study of chronic stress at Three Mile Island in the wake of the nuclear accident there suggest that loss of control and frequent experience of intrusive memories about the accident and its aftermath were related to persistent stress responding several years after the accident. The relationships between stress responding and conditioning and consolidation of stressful memories are considered as a basis for persistent intrusive memories and chronic stress.

Andrew Baum

Papers

Stress, intrusive imagery, and chronic distress.

Assessment of preferences for self-treatment and information in health care.

Emotional, behavioral, and physiological effects of chronic stress at Three Mile Island.

Stress and the Environment

Control and intrusive memories as possible determinants of chronic stress.