Contemporary feminist and antiracist discourses have failed to consider the intersections of racism and patriarchy. To overcome this difficulty, an original approach is suggested here: that of intersectionality. In the first part, the paper discusses structural intersectionality, the ways in which the location of women of color at the intersection of race and gender makes their real experience of domestic violence, rape, and remedial reform qualitatively different from that of white women. The focus is shifted in the second part to political intersectionality, with the analysis of how both feminist and antiracist politics have functioned in tandem to marginalize the issue of violence against women of color. Finally, the implications of the intersectional approach are addressed within the broader scope of contemporary identity politics.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/1229039.pdf

Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color

Identity-based politics has been a source of strength for people of color, gays and lesbians, among others. The problem with identity politics is that it often conflates intra group differences. Exploring the various ways in which race and gender intersect in shaping structural and political aspects of violence against these women, it appears the interests and experiences of women of color are frequently marginalized within both feminist  and antiracist discourses. Both discourses have failed to consider the intersections of racism and patriarchy. However,  the location of women of color at the intersection of race and gender makes our actual experience of domestic violence, rape, and remedial reform quite different from that of white women. Similarly, both feminist and antiracist politics have functioned in tandem to marginalize the issue of violence against women of color. The effort to politicize violence against women will do little to address the experiences of nonwhite women until the ramifications of racial stratification among women are acknowledged. At the same time, the anti-racist agenda will not be furthered by suppressing the reality of intra-racial violence against women of color. The effect of both these marginalizations is that women of color have no ready means to link their experiences with those of other women.

/pdf/intersectionality-identity-politics-and-violence-against-5175k6lhyx.pdf

Intersectionality, Identity Politics and Violence Against Women of Color

Intersectional insights and frameworks are put into practice in a multitude of highly contested, complex, and unpredictable ways. We group such engagements with intersectionality into three loosely defined sets of practices: applications of an intersectional framework or investigations of intersectional dynamics; debates about the scope and content of intersectionality as a theoretical and methodological paradigm; and political interventions employing an intersectional lens. We propose a template for fusing these three levels of engagement with intersectionality into a field of intersectional studies that emphasizes collaboration and literacy rather than unity. Our objective here is not to offer pat resolutions to all questions about intersectional approaches but to spark further inquiry into the dynamics of intersectionality both as an academic frame and as a practical intervention in a world characterized by extreme inequalities. At the same time, we wish to zero in on some issues that we believ...

/pdf/toward-a-field-of-intersectionality-studies-theory-15i1luqffb.pdf

Toward a Field of Intersectionality Studies: Theory, Applications, and Praxis

Disadvantaged groups gain advantages from descriptive representation in at least four contexts. In contexts of group mistrust and uncrystallized interests, the better communication and experiential knowledge of descriptive representatives enhances their substantive representation of the group's interests by improving the quality of deliberation. In contexts of historical political subordination and low de facto legitimacy, descriptive representation helps create a social meaning of "ability to rule" and increases the attachment to the polity of members of the group. When the implementation of descriptive representation involves some costs in other values, paying those costs makes most sense in these specific historical contexts.

https://wappp.hks.harvard.edu/files/wappp/files/should_blacks_represent_blacks_and_women_represent_women_a_contingent_yes1.pdf

Should Blacks Represent Blacks and Women Represent Women? A Contingent "Yes"

OBJECTIVES: This study examined the relationship between child sexual abuse (CSA) and subsequent onset of psychiatric disorders, accounting for other childhood adversities, CSA type, and chronicity of the abuse. METHODS: Retrospective reports of CSA, other adversities, and psychiatric disorders were obtained by the National Comorbidity Survey, a nationally representative survey of the United States (n = 5877). Reports were analyzed by multivariate methods. RESULTS: CSA was reported by 13.5% of women and 2.5% of men. When other childhood adversities were controlled for, significant associations were found between CSA and subsequent onset of 14 mood, anxiety, and substance use disorders among women and 5 among men. In a subsample of respondents reporting no other adversities, odds of depression and substance problems associated with CSA were higher. Among women, rape (vs molestation), knowing the perpetrator (vs strangers), and chronicity of CSA (vs isolated incidents) were associated with higher odds of some disorders. CONCLUSIONS: CSA usually occurs as part of a larger syndrome of childhood adversities. Nonetheless, CSA, whether alone or in a larger adversity cluster, is associated with substantial increased risk of subsequent psychopathology.

Child sexual abuse and subsequent psychopathology: results from the National Comorbidity Survey.

Compelled to Crime: The Gender Entrapment of Battered, Black Women

Each year, more than 10 million people enter US jails, most returning home within a few weeks. Because jails concentrate people with infectious and chronic diseases, substance abuse, and mental health problems, and reentry policies often exacerbate these problems, the experiences of people leaving jail may contribute to health inequities in the low-income communities to which they return. Our study of the experiences in the year after release of 491 adolescent males and 476 adult women returning home from New York City jails shows that both populations have low employment rates and incomes and high rearrest rates. Few received services in jail. However, overall drug use and illegal activity declined significantly in the year after release. Postrelease employment and health insurance were associated with lower rearrest rates and drug use. Public policies on employment, drug treatment, housing, and health care often blocked successful reentry into society from jail, suggesting the need for new policies that support successful reentry into society.

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Coming Home From Jail: The Social and Health Consequences of Community Reentry for Women, Male Adolescents, and Their Families and Communities

Introduction 2 The Problem of Male Violence against Black Women 3 How We Won the Mainstream but Lost the Movement 4 Black Women, Male Violence, and the Buildup of a Prison Nation 5 The Matrix: A Black Feminist Response to Male Violence and the State 6 Conclusion Notes Bibliography Index About the Author

Arrested Justice: Black Women, Violence, and America's Prison Nation

L'A. propose des solutions concretes dans la lutte pour la justice sociale et attire l'attention sur les violences contre les femmes. Pour proteger les femmes elle soutient les actions de non violence a travers les aides individuelles, services, initiatives de la politique publique et denonce le renforcement policier

A black feminist reflection on the antiviolence movement

Women are the fastest-growing population in the criminal justice system, and jails reach more people than any other component of the correctional system. About 1 million women pass through US jails each year. Most return to their communities within a few weeks of arrest, and few receive help for the substance abuse, health, psychological or social problems that contribute to incarceration. We describe a model program, Health Link, designed to assist drug-using jailed women in New York City to return to their communities, reduce drug use and HIV risk behavior, and avoid rearrest. The program operates on four levels: direct services, including case management for individual women in the jail and for 1 year after release; technical assistance, training, and financial support for community service providers that serve ex-offenders; staff support for a network of local service providers that coordinate services and advocate for resources: and policy analysis and advocacy to identify and reduce barriers to successful community reintegration of women released from jail. We describe the characteristics of 386 women enrolled in Health Link in 1997 and 1998; define the elements of this intervention; and assess the lessons we have learned from 10 years of experience working with jailed women.

/pdf/reintegrating-women-leaving-jail-into-urban-communities-a-2d9i440qld.pdf

Beth E. Richie

Papers

Compelled to Crime: The Gender Entrapment of Battered, Black Women

Coming Home From Jail: The Social and Health Consequences of Community Reentry for Women, Male Adolescents, and Their Families and Communities

Arrested Justice: Black Women, Violence, and America's Prison Nation

A black feminist reflection on the antiviolence movement

Reintegrating women leaving jail into urban communities: A description of a model program