Learning to Labour: How Working Class Kids Get Working Class Jobs

Preface (1999) Preface (1990) 1. Subjects of Sex/Gender/Desire I. 'Women' as the Subject of Feminism II. The Compulsory Order of Sex/Gender/Desire III. Gender: The Circular Ruins of Contemporary Debate IV. Theorizing the Binary, the Unitary and Beyond V. Identity, Sex and the Metaphysics of Substance VI. Language, Power and the Strategies of Displacement 2. Prohibition, Psychoanalysis, and the Production of the Heterosexual Matrix I. Structuralism's Critical Exchange II. Lacan, Riviere, and the Strategies of Masquerade III. Freud and the Melancholia of Gender IV. Gender Complexity and the Limits of Identification V. Reformulating Prohibition as Power 3. Subversive Bodily Acts I. The Body Politics of Julia Kristeva II. Foucault, Herculine, and the Politics of Sexual Discontinuity III. Monique Wittig - Bodily Disintegration and Fictive Sex IV. Bodily Inscriptions, Performative Subversions Conclusion - From Parody to Politics

Postmodern Subjects, Postmodern BodiesThinking Fragments: Psychoanalysis, Feminism, and Postmodernism in the Contemporary WestYearning: Race, Gender, and Cultural PoliticsGender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity

The language of ‘gender equality’ and ‘women’s empowerment’ was mobilised by feminists in the 1980s and 1990s as a way of getting women’s rights onto the international development agenda. Their efforts can be declared a resounding success. The international development industry has fully embraced these terms. From international NGOs to donor governments to multilateral agencies the language of gender equality and women’s empowerment is a pervasive presence and takes pride of place among their major development priorities. And yet, this article argues, the fact that these terms have been eviscerated of conceptual and political bite compromises their use as the primary frame through which to demand rights and justice. Critically examining the trajectories of these terms in development, the article suggests that if the promise of the post-2015 agenda is to deliver on gender justice, new frames are needed, which can connect with and contribute to a broader movement for global justice.

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From ‘gender equality and ‘women’s empowerment’ to global justice: reclaiming a transformative agenda for gender and development

We study the effect of civil conflict on social capital, focusing on Uganda’s experience during the last decade. Using individual and county-level data, we document large causal effects on trust and ethnic identity of an exogenous outburst of ethnic conflicts in 2002–2005. We exploit two waves of survey data from Afrobarometer (Round 4 Afrobarometer Survey in Uganda, 2000, 2008), including information on socioeconomic characteristics at the individual level, and geo-referenced measures of fighting events from ACLED. Our identification strategy exploits variations in the both the spatial and ethnic intensity of fighting. We find that more intense fighting decreases generalized trust and increases ethnic identity. The effects are quantitatively large and robust to a number of control variables, alternative measures of violence, and different statistical techniques involving ethnic and spatial fixed effects and instrumental variables. Controlling for the intensity of violence during the conflict, we also document that post-conflict economic recovery is slower in ethnically fractionalized counties. Our findings are consistent with the existence of a self-reinforcing process between conflicts and ethnic cleavages.

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Seeds of distrust: conflict in Uganda

We study the effect of civil conflict on social capital, focusing on the experience of Uganda during the last decade. Using individual and county-level data, we document causal effects on trust and ethnic identity of an exogenous outburst of ethnic conflicts in 2002-04. We exploit two waves of survey data from Afrobarometer 2000 and 2008, including information on socioeconomic characteristics at the individual level, and geo-referenced measures of fighting events from ACLED. Our identification strategy exploits variations in the intensity of fighting both in the spatial and cross-ethnic dimensions. We find that more intense fighting decreases generalized trust and increases ethnic identity. The effects are quantitatively large and robust to a number of control variables, alternative measures of violence, and different statistical techniques involving ethnic and county fixed effects and instrumental variables. We also document that the post-war effects of ethnic violence depend on the ethnic fractionalization. Fighting has a negative effect on the economic situation in highly fractionalized counties, but has no effect in less fractionalized counties. Our findings are consistent with the existence of a self-reinforcing process between conflicts and ethnic cleavages.

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Seeds of Distrust: Conflict in Uganda

Acknowledgements List of Tables, Charts & Diagrams List of Illustrations List of Acronyms Map Of 'Protected Villages' in which Fieldwork Was Conducted Chapter 1. Introduction The Mainstream Discourse of Today's Wars Building Blocks of a Counter-Narrative Impacts Actors Benefits and Functions Justifications Elaborating a Model of Social Torture Overview of the Book Chapter 2. The Research Process Institutional Setting Working in a 'War Zone' Conceptual Challenges Horizontal Segmentation or Vertical Linkages? Acknowledging Peoples' Agency Ethical Considerations Methods Adopted Composition of the Research Team In-Depth Key-Informant Interviews Audio-Visual Data Media Monitoring Research Integrated with Programming - The Use of Focus Groups Dealing with Findings Discussion and Conclusions Subjectivity and Objectivity Chapter 3. An Overview of the Situation in Northern Uganda Introduction The Build-Up to War Phase I (1986 to 1988) Phase II (1988 to 1994) Phase III (1994 to 1999) Phase IV - Amnesty for 'Terrorists' (2000 to 2002) Phase V - Operation Iron Fist and Its Aftermath (2002 to 2003) Phase VI - November 2003 to June 2006 Phase VII - June 2006 Onwards The War As People Remember It Discussion Some Concluding Questions Chapter 4. Reconsidering the LRA-Government Dynamic Introduction The LRA's Ambiguities Composition The Extent of Civilian Support Links with the Lord's Resistance Movement The Role of the Media in Creating Ambiguity The LRA's Modus Operandi Administration and Control Survival and Proxy Warfare LRA Motivations and Politics Politics of Rejection The 1994 Peace Talks Discussion Further Nuances and Characterisations - Local Context Refining the Characterisations - Comparative Experiences An Appraisal of the Government's Initiatives Conclusions Chapter 5. Protection As Violation Introduction Part I - Formation and Organisation Physical Layout and Shelter Administration Mchaka-Mchaka Part II - Subsistence in the Camps Access to Land Reductions in Hunting Other Alternatives to Agriculture Group Formation Food Aid Problems with Distribution Demonstration Sites Calls To Allow People To Return Home Block Farming Part III - Access to Education Universal Primary Education (UPE) Drop-Outs Teacher Motivation Secondary Schooling Part IV - Access to Health Care Part V - Access to Protection When Was the LRA the UPDF? People's Responses Discussion and Conclusions Chapter 6. Protection As Debilitation Introduction Physical Debilitation Psychological Debilitation Suicide Heavy Drinking Cultural Debilitation Burial and Funeral Rites Breakdown of Restorative Justice Dance and Song External Interventions, which 'Diluted' Culture Changing Military-Civilian Relationships Discussion Signs of Resilience? Conclusions Chapter 7. Protection As Humiliation Introduction The Hegemonic Model of Masculinity What Women Are (Supposed To Be) Like What Youth Are (Supposed To Be) Like What Men Are (Supposed To Be) Like Masculine Roles The Gap between Model and Reality: Inability To Fulfil External and Internalised Expectations Acquisition of Knowledge Marriage Provision Physical Protection Further Threats to Sense of Masculinity 'Gender' Discourse and Practice Militarization The Impact of the Emergence of a Hegemonic Model Domestic Violence Increased Male Vulnerability to Violence State Benefits from the Hegemonic Model Discussion Conclusions Chapter 8. Social Torture and the Continuation of War Introduction Impacts and Methods Further Symptoms of Torture Actors Humanitarian Missions and Mandate Failures in Assistance and Protection Benefits and Functions Economics Psychological Political Justifications for Action and Inaction Justifying Action Justifying Inaction Discussion Low Intensity but Wide Impact Geographically Extensive and Time-Indifferent Multiple Actors Multiple Functions Social Torture Acquires Its Own Momentum Social Torture Is Justified in Public Discourses, which then Become Instruments of Social Torture Conclusions Chapter 9. Conclusions Social Torture Offers a Counter-Narrative to the Mainstream Discourse Greed-Grievance Social Torture Goes beyond the Convention Against Torture Social Torture Suggests the Need for More Comprehensive Interventions Appendices Bibliography Index

Social Torture: The Case of Northern Uganda, 1986-2006

Increasing acknowledgement in some quarters that women and girls are not the only victims of sexual violence, and that sexual violence is not the only form of gender-based violence (GBV), has yet to be adequately reflected in policy and practice in the humanitarian world.

Letting go of the gender binary: Charting new pathways for humanitarian interventions on gender-based violence

Breaking the Spell of Silence: Collective Healing as Activism amongst Refugee Male Survivors of Sexual Violence in Uganda

Much has happened in debates, practice and policy on gender in development since the millennium, when an IDS Bulletin was first published on ‘Men, Masculinities and Development’. The present issue picks up on several developments in the interim, by drawing contributions from participants at a recent international symposium, ‘Undressing Patriarchy’. It explores the shifting field of men and masculinities in development and how the field's often conflicted engagements with the feminist project of redressing gender inequalities might be radicalised through a deeper analysis of patriarchy and our relationship to it, as well as by linking it to other struggles for sexual and human rights, or social justice. The introduction sets the context and gives a brief background to our rationale for ‘undressing patriarchy’ as our chosen approach. The authors then comment on the contributions to each section of the IDS Bulletin , and conclude with an outline of some future priorities.

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Introduction: Undressing Patriarchy and Masculinities to Re‐politicise Gender

The UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 2106, in June 2013, and the declaration on preventing sexual violence in conflict adopted by G8 in London, in April 2013, signal a possible paradigm shift in how the international community can do ‘gender’, particularly in the arena of conflict‐related sexual violence. Whilst UNSCR 1325 and its successors succeeded in drawing greater attention and funding to the particular needs of some women, they failed in comprehensively responding to the phenomenon of conflict‐related sexual violence. This is largely due to a systematic reluctance to confront the reality of conflict‐related sexual violence against men and boys, coupled with an active complicity in silencing that reality in what effectively reverted to a patriarchal discourse dressed up in feminist clothing. A new and unashamedly gender‐inclusive resolution is required if gender‐based violence (GBV) interventions are to be released from the stifling grip of a patriarchal mode of ‘doing gender’.

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Chris Dolan

Papers

Social Torture: The Case of Northern Uganda, 1986-2006

Letting go of the gender binary: Charting new pathways for humanitarian interventions on gender-based violence

Breaking the Spell of Silence: Collective Healing as Activism amongst Refugee Male Survivors of Sexual Violence in Uganda

Introduction: Undressing Patriarchy and Masculinities to Re‐politicise Gender

Has Patriarchy been Stealing the Feminists' Clothes? Conflict?related Sexual Violence and UN Security Council Resolutions