1. The argument 2. Ethnic cleansing in former times 3. Two versions of 'we, the people' 4. Genocidal democracies in the New World 5. Armenia, I: into the danger zone 6. Armenia, II: genocide 7. Nazis, I: radicalization 8. Nazis, II: fifteen hundred perpetrators 9. Nazis, III: genocidal careers 10. Germany's allies and auxiliaries 11. Communist cleansing: Stalin, Mao, Pol Pot 12. Yugoslavia, I: into the danger zone 13. Yugoslavia, II: murderous cleansing 14. Rwanda, I: into the danger zone 15. Rwanda, II: genocide 16. Counterfactual cases: India and Indonesia 17. Combating ethnic cleansing in the world today.

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The Dark Side of Democracy: Explaining Ethnic Cleansing

Two very powerful stories structure the history of the changing roles of English women. The tale of the nineteenth-century separation of the spheres of public power and private domesticity relates principally to the experience of middle-class women. The other story, emerging from early modern scholarship, recounts the social and economic marginalization of propertied women and the degradation of working women as a consequence of capitalism. Both narratives echo each other in important ways, although strangely the capacity of women's history to repeat itself is rarely openly discussed. This paper critically reviews the two historiographies in order to open debate on the basic categories and chronologies we employ in discussing the experience, power and identity of women in past time.

https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/S0018246X93000019

Golden age to separate spheres? A review of the categories and chronology of English women's history*

This article examines how government policies affect ethnic relations by comparing outcomes across two nearby districts, one in Kenya and one in Tanzania, using colonial-era boundary placement as a “natural experiment.” Despite similar geography and historical legacies, governments in Kenya and Tanzania have followed radically different language, education, and local institutional policies, with Tanzania consistently pursuing more serious nation building. The evidence suggests that nation building has allowed diverse communities in rural Tanzania to achieve considerably better local public goods outcomes than diverse communities in Kenya. To illustrate, while Kenyan communities at mean levels of diversity have 25 percent less local school funding than homogeneous communities on average, the comparable figure in the Tanzanian district is near zero. The Kenya-Tanzania comparison provides empirical evidence that serious reforms can ameliorate social divisions and suggests that nation-building should take a place on policy agendas, especially in Africa.

/pdf/tribe-or-nation-nation-building-and-public-goods-in-kenya-4sqnz910ke.pdf

Tribe or Nation?: Nation Building and Public Goods in Kenya versus Tanzania

This epic history compares the empires built by Spain and Britain in the Americas, from Columbus's arrival in the New World to the end of Spanish colonial rule in the early nineteenth century. J. H. Elliott, one of the most distinguished and versatile historians working today, offers us history on a grand scale, contrasting the worlds built by Britain and by Spain on the ruins of the civilizations they encountered and destroyed in North and South America. Elliott identifies and explains both the similarities and differences in the two empires' processes of colonization, the character of their colonial societies, their distinctive styles of imperial government, and the independence movements mounted against them. Based on wide reading in the history of the two great Atlantic civilizations, the book sets the Spanish and British colonial empires in the context of their own times and offers us insights into aspects of this dual history that still influence the Americas.

Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America 1492-1830

Part I. Theory and Methods: 1. Globalization and its impact on national spaces of competition 2. Contexts of party mobilization 3. The design of the study: the distinguishing characteristics of our approach Part II. Country Studies: 4. France: the model case of party system transformation 5. Austria: transformation driven by an established party 6. Switzerland: another case of transformation driven by an established party 7. The Netherlands: a challenge that was slow in coming 8. The United Kingdom: moving parties in a stable configuration 9. Germany: the dog that didn't bark Part III. Comparative Analyses: 10. Demand side: dealignment and realignment of the structural political potentials 11. Supply side: the positioning of the political parties in a restructuring space 12. The electoral consequences of the integration-demarcation cleavage 13. Globalizing West European politics: the change of cleavage structures, parties and party systems in comparative perspective Appendix A. Technical appendix Appendix B. Detailed statistical results.

West European Politics in the Age of Globalization: Austria: transformation driven by an established party

How did events and ideas from elsewhere in the British empire influence development in the thirteen American colonies? What was the effect of the American Revolution on the wider Atlantic world? In Empire and Nation, leading historians reconsider the American Revolution as a transnational event, with many sources and momentous implications for Ireland, Africa, the West Indies, Canada, and Britain itself. The opening section situates the origins of the American Revolution in the commercial, ethnic, and political ferment that characterized Britain's Atlantic empire at the close of the Seven Years' War (1756-1763). The empire then experienced extraordinary changes, ranging from the first stirrings of nationalism in Ireland to the dramatic expansion of British rule in Canada, Africa, and India. The second part focuses on the rebellion of the thirteen colonies-touching on slavery and ethnicity, the changing nature of religious faith, and ideas about civil society and political organization. Finally, contributors examine the changes wrought by the American Revolution both within Britain's remaining imperial possessions and among the other states in the emerging "concert of Europe." The essays in Empire and Nation challenge facile assumptions about the "exceptional" character of the republic's founding moment, even as they invite readers to think anew about the complex ways in which the Revolution reshaped both American society and the Atlantic world.

Empire and nation: the American Revolution in the Atlantic world

ANYONE SEEKING TO WRITE BRITISH HISTORY as something more than the combined histories of England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales must begin by accepting a paradox. It is certainly possible to speak of a collective "British" experience, one that at various points over the last three hundred years has encompassed all of the British Isles, together with large stretches of Africa, Asia, Australia, New Zealand, and the Americas. But to paraphrase the Scottish nationalist Tom Nairn, Britain's modern history has been a history of fragmentation.1 Not only has the empire on which the sun never set largely vanished, but, for the better part of the last century, the United Kingdom itself has been beset by the centrifugal impulses of Celtic separatism. While none of this has prevented the "new British history" from attracting growing numbers of practitioners, Britain's "limits and divisions" remain no less conspicuous today than they were a quarter-century ago, when J. G. A. Pocock first noted their extraordinary persistence in his influential series of articles.2 For an essay on Britain and the American Revolution, this might sound like a rather self-evident point with which to begin. Despite the loss of the thirteen colonies, however, British historians have generally chosen to depict the eighteenth

https://www.jstor.org/stable/info/2650376

A Virtual Nation: Greater Britain and the Imperial Legacy of the American Revolution

Do imperial peripheries matter? If so, to whom do they matter, and in what ways? Is their relationship to other areas of historical analysis unchanging especially to the centers with which they are usually paired or does that relationship vary according to time and place? Although it hardly seems necessary to ask such questions today, the role of the periphery would appear to be anything but settled from the comments of Jorge Canizares-Esguerra in last June's Af/7? Forum, "Entangled Empires in the Atlantic World." In his comments, Professor Canizares-Esguerra endorses the general case for entangled history. Linking the histories of the early modern Spanish and British Atlantic worlds, he writes, "demonstrates the futility of studying historical phenomena that were transatlantic, hemispheric, and transnational within the limits of national narratives." Yet Professor Canizares-Esguerra also contends that historians would be better served by "an alternative version of 'entangled histories,' " one that treats "interactions at the margins" of the two Atlantic communities as "limited" and that insists on the priority of the "core."1 Although I am interested to hear what else he has to say, such a contention strikes me as problematic with respect to Britain and Ireland, and it seems out of place in colonial Anglo-America, where, apart from Britain, there was no such thing as a core.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/info/40007102

Entangled Atlantic Histories: A Response from the Anglo-American Periphery

American independence and britain's counter-revolution

NEARLY a hundred years ago, Carl Lotus Becker famously suggested that the American Revolution was, at base, an attempt to answer two questions. The first, which Becker termed "the question of home rule," involved the colonies' external rights vis-i-vis the British government (and, after 1776, each other); the second was the internal question "of who should rule at home." To this day American historians generally regard the second as the more significant, touching as it did on the gradual inclusion of "the common freeholder and . .. unfranchised mechanic" within the political nation as well as the refusal to make comparable concessions to women, blacks, or Native Americans.1 As Jack P. Greene reminds scholars, however, the question of home rule was and is no less important. Indeed, in causative terms, the allocation of collective rights within the far-flung polity of the United States was probably of greater moment than the debates over the individual rights belonging to any particular class or group. By conferring on the post-1776 states the same rights as their colonial predecessors, the American Founders practically ensured that the white settlers whose interests the British Empire had so effectively served would remain firmly in control of the federal Republic that took its place on the North American mainland. Of the various implications of this argument, probably none is more subversive than Greene's postcolonial contention that the Revolution preserved and in many ways intensified exploitative patterns set during the colonial era. In a rubric that dates to Progressive historians of Becker's generation, scholars have tended to think of the Revolution as marking a clean break, with the social and intellectual upheaval that accompanied independence constituting a radical (and usually democratic) attempt, in the words of Bernard Bailyn, "to begin the world anew." In its most pronounced, textbook form, the result is a narrative in which the republican ideology that animated men and women in 1776 becomes the dominant force in subsequent chapters of American history, setting the terms by which its various actors gained (or failed to gain) the benefits of citizenship. As Greene rightly cautions, the Revolution's "transformative power" in any

Eliga H. Gould

Papers

Empire and nation: the American Revolution in the Atlantic world

A Virtual Nation: Greater Britain and the Imperial Legacy of the American Revolution

Entangled Atlantic Histories: A Response from the Anglo-American Periphery

American independence and britain's counter-revolution

The Question of Home Rule