http://economics.uwinnipeg.ca/RePEc/winwop/2010-05.pdf

Labor Migration and Time Use Patterns of the Left-behind Children and Elderly in Rural China

1. Governance and informal institutions of accountability 2. Decentralization and local governmental performance 3. Local governmental performance: assessing village public goods provision 4. Informal accountability and the structure of solidary groups 5. Temples and churches in rural China 6. Lineages and local governance 7. Accountability and village democratic reforms 8. The limitations of formal party and bureaucratic institutions 9. Conclusion.

Accountability without Democracy: Solidary Groups and Public Goods Provision in Rural China

Since the mid-1990s, ‘neoliberalism’ has grown in importance as an explanatory trope for socio-cultural anthropologists. This article seeks to unravel the various strands of neoliberalism's anthropological meaning and demonstrate the blind spots of using neoliberalism as an overarching trope. I begin by analysing the contradictions between two common forms of theorizing neoliberalism. The remainder of the article then focuses the initial discussion by examining a particular case: suzhi discourse in the People's Republic of China (PRC). Suzhi may be glossed as human quality, and suzhi discourse refers to the myriad ways in which this notion of human quality is used in processes of governing contemporary China. I discuss the strengths and weaknesses of the arguments of those who explain suzhi discourse in terms of neoliberalism and suggest ways in which this discourse might be contextualized more fruitfully than as a form of neoliberalism.

Neoliberalism reified: suzhi discourse and tropes of neoliberalism in the People's Republic of China

The purpose of this article is to place Chinese labor migration from agriculture within the context of the literature on labor mobility in developing countries by comparing it to undocumented Mexican migration to the United States. The similarities fall within three general areas: the migration process the economic and social position of migrants at their destination and the agrarian structure and process of agricultural development that has perpetuated circular migration. The last section of the article draws upon these similarities as well as differences between the two countries to generate predictions concerning the development of labor migration in China. (EXCERPT)

https://people.southwestern.edu/~robertsk/tidalwave.pdf

China's "tidal wave" of migrant labor: what can we learn from Mexican undocumented migration to the United States?

Introduction 1. Feminist methodologies for international relations Brooke Ackerly, Maria Stern and Jacqui True Part I. Methodological Conversations Between Feminist and Non-Feminist International Relations: 2. Feminism meets international relations: some methodological issues J. Ann Tickner 3. Distracted reflections on the production, narration and refusal of feminist knowledge in international relations Marysia Zalewski 4. Inclusion and understanding: a collective methodology for feminist international relations S. Laurel Weldon Part II. Methods for Feminist International Relations: 5. Motives and methods: using multi-sited ethnography to study US national security discourses Carol Cohn 6. Methods for studying silences: gender analysis in institutions of hegemonic masculinity Annica Kronsell 7. Marginalized identity: new frontiers of research for IR? Bina D'Costa 8. From the trenches: dilemmas of feminist IR fieldwork Tami Jacoby 9. Racism, sexism, classism and much more: reading security-identity in marginalized sites Maria Stern Part III. Methodologies for Feminist International Relations: 10. Bringing art/museums to feminist international relations Christine Sylvester 11. Methods of feminist normative theory: a political ethic of care for international relations Fiona Robinson 12. Studying the struggles and wishes of the age: feminist theoretical methodology and feminist theoretical methods Brooke Ackerly and Jacqui True 13. Conclusion Brooke Ackerly, Maria Stern and Jacqui True.

/pdf/feminist-methodologies-for-international-relations-487avc2m5b.pdf

Feminist Methodologies for International Relations

A note on measures and family terms 1. Introduction: on virtue 2. Dividing the land 3. Village enterprise(s) 4. Socialist commodity production 5. 'Households': between state and family 6. Women and agency 7. Gender and power in rural north China Notes Works cited Index.

Gender and Power in Rural North China

The classic model of Chinese kinship organization, with its complementary emphases on patrilineality, patrilocality, and patriarchy, continues as a framework for research on Chinese social organization despite accumulating evidence of alternative models or of disjunctures within the elite model. This model has come under critical scrutiny from a variety of perspectives, most notably anthropologically informed historical research (Watson 1982; Watson 1985) that has led to a questioning of the lineage model (Freedman 1965) and field-based research that has drawn attention to the prevalence of uxorilocal and “small daughter-in-law” (tongyangxi) marriage and to the nurturing of uterine families (Wolf and Huang 1980; Wolf 1972). My purpose is to contribute to this reassessment with a discussion of customary practices of postmarital dual residence for women and continuing ties between married women and their natal families. These practices and ties cannot be accounted for within the framework of the structural-functionalist model and require an adaptation of practiceoriented theory. This may illuminate the specific structuring patterns and disjunctures described below as well as suggest possibly fruitful lines of analysis for other societies in which lineages are salient. The contribution of this article is to identify and explore a significant dimension of structuring practices in informal kinship relations in rural China.

Niangjia : Chinese Women and Their Natal Families

The Chinese Women's Movement Between State and Market

* Contents * 1. Introduction: Feminists doing development - Marilyn Porter. * Part 1: The structures that confine us * 2. NGOs in a Post-Feminist Era - Ines Smyth. * 3. Development and women in Pakistan - Tahera Aftab. * 4. The WID mandate in Japanese foreign aid - Sue Ellen Charlton. * 5. What I know about gender and development - Wu Qing. * Part 2: Staying feminist in development * 6. Insights from feminist health action in Western India - Renu Khanna. * 7. Partnering and expertise in feminist work for change - Barbara Cottrell. * 8. Women organising for change - Collette Oseen. * 9. Taking development in our hands: a reflection on Indonesian women's experience - Nori Andriyani. * Part 3: Integrating the local with the global * 10. Falling between the gaps - Fenella Porter and Valsa Verghese. * 11. Globalisation and development from the bottom - Joyce Green and Cora Voyageur. * 12. Mobilising garment workers in Bangladesh - Habiba Zaman. * Part 4: Working with global structures * 13. Women organising locally and globally - Peggy Antrobus and Linda Christiansen-Ruffman. * 14. Responding to globalisation: can feminists transform development? - Joanna Kerr. * 15. The new global architecture, gender and development practices - Isabella Bakker. * Afterword * 16. Afterword: opening spaces for transformative practice - Ellen Judd

Feminists doing development : a practical critique

Since the mid-1990s, a new land-use rights regime has gradually come into effect in China. It follows upon a series of earlier changes — land reform, collectivization and the first wave of contracting land to households — that paid attention to women's role in publicly recognized work and provided access to land. The new regime, which has gradually come into effect as previous (usually fifteen-year) terms expired, authorizes an adjustment in land allocation which is then normally frozen for thirty years. An apparently inadvertent effect of this policy is not only the exclusion of young people from direct access to land for up to thirty years from birth, but the de facto separation of the majority of women who marry or remarry patrilocally from allocated land. ‘No change for thirty years’ (sanshi nian bu bian) has thus become the distinctive feature for women of China's current land-use regime. The state has renounced its potential to reallocate land periodically and there is no indication that market mechanisms are filling, or are capable of filling, the void thereby created. This article examines local conceptions, responses and practices regarding land-use rights and their transfer within this new framework, using field evidence from three upland agricultural communities in Chongqing and Sichuan (studied in 2003, 2004 and 2005), where land allocations were fixed in 1995, 1999 and 2001 respectively. The ethnographic findings are further explored in relation to contemporary research on gender and land rights.

Ellen R. Judd

Papers

Gender and Power in Rural North China

Niangjia : Chinese Women and Their Natal Families

The Chinese Women's Movement Between State and Market

Feminists doing development : a practical critique

No Change for Thirty Years: The Renewed Question of Women's Land Rights in Rural China