I offer an institutional theory of corporate social responsibility consisting of a series of propositions specifying the conditions under which corporations are likely to behave in socially responsible ways. I argue that the relationship between basic economic conditions and corporate behavior is mediated by several institutional conditions: public and private regulation, the presence of nongovernmental and other independent organizations that monitor corporate behavior, institutionalized norms regarding appropriate corporate behavior, associative behavior among corporations themselves, and organized dialogues among corporations and their stakeholders. Concerns about corporate social responsibility have grown significantly during the last two decades. Not only has the issue become commonplace in the business press and among business and political leaders (Buhr & Graf

http://laisumedu.org/DESIN_Ibarra/desin/imagenescampbell/tres-c.pdf

Why would corporations behave in socially responsible ways? an institutional theory of corporate social responsibility

Methodological nationalism is understood as the assumption that the nation/state/society is the natural social and political form of the modern world. We distinguish three modes of methodological nationalism that have characterized main- stream social science, and then show how these have influenced research on migra- tion. We discover parallels between nationalist thinking and the conceptualization of migration in postwar social sciences. In a historical tour d'horizon, we show that this mainstream concept has developed in close interaction with nation-state building pro- cesses in the West and the role that immigration and integration policies have played within them. The shift towards a study of 'transnational communities' - the last phase in this process - was more a consequence of an epistemic move away from methodo- logical nationalism than of the appearance of new objects of observation. The article concludes by recommending new concepts for analysis that, on the one hand, are not coloured by methodological nationalism and, on the other hand, go beyond the fluidism of much contemporary social theory. After the first flurry of confusion about the nature and extent of contemporary pro- cesses of globalization, social scientists moved beyond rhetorical generalities about the decline of the nation-state and began to examine the ways in which nation-states are currently being reconfigured rather than demolished. That nation-states and nationalism are compatible with globalization was made all too obvious. We wit- nessed the flouring of nationalism and the restructuring of a whole range of new states in Eastern Europe along national lines in the midst of growing global interconnec- tions. The concomitance of these processes provides us with an intellectual opening to think about the limitations of our conceptual apparatus. It has become easier to under- stand that it is because we have come to take for granted a world divided into discrete and autonomous nation-states that we see nation-state building and global inter- connections as contradictory. The next step is to analyse how the concept of the nation-state has and still does influence past and current thinking in the social sciences, including our thinking about transnational migration. It is our aim in this article to move in this direction by exploring the intellectual potential of two hypotheses. We demonstrate that nation-state building processes have fundamentally shaped the ways immigration has been perceived and received. These perceptions have in turn influenced, though not completely determined, social science

Methodological Nationalism and Beyond: Nation-State Building, Migration and the Social Sciences

Institutional theory has risen to prominence as a popular and powerful explanation for both individual and organizational action. It is a vibrant theory that has heen synthesized and contrasted with a number of other approaches. Although its scope has certainly heen expanded, institutional theory has often been criticized as largely being used to explain hoth the persistence and the homogeneity of phenomena. We helieve that this focus did little to tap the full power or potential of institutional theory. We find, for example, that institutions change over time, are not ttniformly taken-forgranted, have effects that are particularistic, and are challenged as well as hotly contested. Thus, we acknowledge that although institutions serve both to powerfully drive change and to shape the nature of change across levels and contexts, they also themselves change in character and potency over time. It was in this spirit that we put forth a call for papers on the study of institutional theory and institutional change. We also believed that the topic of institutional change has emerged as a central focus for organizational researchers. Therefore, we sought to provide new understandings of the manner in which institutions are created, transformed, and extinguished and the way in which institutional processes interact to affect institutional change. We received over 75 manuscripts for review. In-

Institutional theory and institutional change: introduction to the special research forum

As the use of ‘diaspora’ has proliferated in the last decade, its meaning has been stretched in various directions. This article traces the dispersion of the term in semantic, conceptual and disciplinary space; analyses three core elements that continue to be understood as constitutive of diaspora; assesses claims made by theorists of diaspora about a radical shift in perspective and a fundamental change in the social world; and proposes to treat diaspora not as a bounded entity but as an idiom, stance and claim.

http://prodiasporaromana.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/01/Blubaker-2005-The-diaspora-diaspora.pdf

The ‘diaspora’ diaspora

We review two important schools within business and society research, which we label positivist and post-positivist corporate social responsibility (CSR). The former is criticized because of its instrumentalism and normative vacuity, and the latter because of its relativism, foundationalism, and utopianism. We propose a new approach, based on J?rgen Habermas's theory of democracy, and define the new role of the business firm as a political actor in a globalizing society.

https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/Delivery.cfm/SSRN_ID1339868_code721161.pdf?abstractid=952013&mirid=1

Toward a Political Conception of Corporate Responsibility - Business and Society Seen from a Habermasian Perspective

Undoubtedly one of the highlights of the 1999 Conference was the plenary session in which Professors David Held and Mahdi Elmandjra came together to discuss the theme of ‘“Globalization”: Democracy and Diversity’. The Conference also witnessed the launch of Global Transformations (Polity Press, 1999), at which David Held was joined by two of his three coauthors, Professor Anthony McGrew and Dr Jonathan Perraton. Global Transformations is the product of almost a decade’s work by a research team (based at the Open University and supported by the ESRC) who have produced what James. N. Rosenau has called ‘the definitive work on globalization’. It is a study which not only synthesises an extraordinary amount of information from research on globalization in a range of social science disciplines, but also makes its own distinctive contribution to our understanding of the complex range of forces which are reshaping the world order. We are delighted to be able to reproduce here an ‘executive summary’ of Global Transformations that summarises the major findings of this 500-page survey in just six thousand words.

Global Transformations: Politics, Economics, and Culture

Contents BOLI JOHN THOMAS GEORGE M Part One: 1 BOLI JOHN THOMAS GEORGE M 2 BOLI JOHN LOYA THOMAS A LOFTIN TERESA Part Two: 3 FRANK DAVID JOHN HIRONAKA ANN MEYER JOHN W SCHOFER EVAN TUMA NANCY BRANDON 4 BERKOVITCH NITZA 5 KIM YOUNG S 6 FINNEMORE MARTHA Part Three: 7 LOYA THOMAS A BOLI JOHN 8 BARRETT DEBORAH FRANK DAVID JOHN 9 CHABBOTT COLETTE 10 SCHOFER EVAN BOLI JOHN

[Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875]

Please see the new, replacement volume "Leashing the Dogs of War."Like its predecessor, " Managing Global Chaos, " this comprehensive volume explores the sources of contemporary conflict and the vast array of possible responses to it. The authors 50 of the most influential and innovative analysts of international affairs present multiple perspectives on how best to prevent, manage, or resolve conflicts around the world.In the five years since "Managing Global Chaos" was published, the geopolitical landscape has changed in significant ways and we have learned important lessons. "Turbulent Peace" underlines the volatility and vulnerability of states and peoples in a world that is both increasingly interconnected and ever more differentiated and decentralized in its political and social structures. Four new themes emerge from "Turbulent Peace: " the return of geopolitics; the recognition that different societies require different peacemaking strategies; the pull and tug between conflict management and post-conflict governance issues, such as democratization; and the understanding that creating a sustainable peace is as difficult as making peace in the first place.Although this volume features many of the contributors to "Managing Global Chaos" (in most cases with updated and revised chapters), almost 70 percent of the contributors are new. The editors commissioned the new essays to address emergent themes in conflict analysis and management, to offer a wide range of viewpoints in contentious areas, and to respond to feedback from readers and the needs of educators. The result is a volume of unparalleled breadth and depth, an invaluable resource for teachers and students no less than for practitioners and policymakers."

Turbulent peace : the challenges of managing international conflict

Why do some peace settlements endure whereas others collapse into violence almost as soon as they are signed?Focusing on intrastate conflicts in which third parties have played prominent roles, Hampson argues that durable settlements depend on sustained third-party engagement not only during the negotiation phase but throughout the implementation process. He provides detailed yet succinct accounts of five justly renowned cases (Cyprus, Namibia, Angola, El Salvador, Cambodia), explores the interplay of key variables, and describes rationales for action and lessons about how best to act.

Nurturing Peace: Why Peace Settlements Succeed or Fail

Since World War II, every U.S. administration has had to deal with the Arab-Israeli conflict in the Middle East. Over the past half-century, the conflict has proved to be a rich source of insights into the role of third-party official mediators in a complex, protracted, multiparty negotiation. In 1991, in order to cull these valuable insights, the United States Institute of Peace convened a study group composed of veteran diplomats, policymakers, and scholars to review the history of UN and U.S. mediation efforts and to extract practical lessons applicable not only to the Middle East but also to other peace processes that include official third-party involvement in the negotiations. This chapter, which is an amended version of portions of the study group's report, considers the necessary elements of successful mediation in the Arab-Israeli conflict, examining the mediator's role in bringing about and sustaining peace talks, the effect of timing and ripeness on the success of the mediation, the challenges of building negotiating structure, the essential component of presidential engagement, and the importance of good intelligence to the mediator effort. The last part of the chapter contains key observations on the role of mediation throughout the whole negotiating process. A mediator is primarily responsible for finding ways around stalemates and for proposing compromise language to bridge conflicting positions; but a successful mediator of the Arab-Israeli conflict must also be in a position to provide incentives, assurances, and guarantees. The role of the a third party is as central to the history of the Arab-Israeli conflict as is the tradition that such a third party has a dual obligation. Both sides have expected and continue to expect a \" mediator-umpire \" to play an active role in resolving differences. The history of British mediation during the mandate period was marked by both sides threatening the mediator with disruptive behavior—such as public protests, boycotts, civilian disturbances, or prolonged violence—if the petitioner's demands were not met. Each side expected the mediator to validate the righteousness and justice of its claims and to force the other side to acknowledge a new status quo. If a decision were not to one side's liking, it felt free to disregard the decision and to circumvent or disregard the decision maker whenever possible. U.S. mediators in the 1970s and 1980s were occasionally confronted with similar obstacles. Although direct talks between parties symbolize mutual recognition, parity, and legitimacy, they do …

Fen Osler Hampson

Papers

Global Transformations: Politics, Economics, and Culture

[Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875]

Turbulent peace : the challenges of managing international conflict

Nurturing Peace: Why Peace Settlements Succeed or Fail

Managing Global Chaos: Sources of and Responses to International Conflict